Notícia

Bill Clinton

Bill Clinton


Bill Clinton

William Jefferson Clinton, natural de Hope (Condado de Hempstead), foi o quadragésimo e quadragésimo segundo governador do Arkansas e o quadragésimo segundo presidente dos Estados Unidos. O mandato de Clinton como governador do Arkansas, onze anos e onze meses no total, foi o segundo mais longo da história do estado. Apenas Orval E. Faubus serviu por mais tempo, com doze anos. Clinton foi o segundo governador mais jovem na história do estado, depois de John Selden Roane, e a terceira pessoa mais jovem a se tornar presidente, depois de Theodore Roosevelt e John Fitzgerald Kennedy.

Os anos de Clinton como governador foram marcados por extensos esforços para reformar o sistema de escolas públicas e estimular o crescimento econômico. Ele persuadiu os legisladores a promulgar várias reformas educacionais, cobrar impostos substanciais para melhorar a educação e promulgar uma série de leis para estimular o desenvolvimento industrial e estimular o investimento empresarial.

Sua eleição como presidente em 1992 foi seguida pelo período mais longo de crescimento econômico sustentado da história dos Estados Unidos. Um pacote polêmico de reduções de gastos e aumentos de impostos no início de seu primeiro ano de mandato e novas alterações orçamentárias em 1997 levaram à eliminação dos déficits no orçamento federal e a quatro superávits orçamentários sucessivos. Passaram-se cinquenta anos desde que o governo obteve três ou mais superávits consecutivos (1947–1949).

Clinton foi presidente durante um período de intenso partidarismo. Ao longo de sua carreira política, ele demonstrou capacidade de se recuperar de derrotas e escândalos. Sua presidência foi afetada por numerosas investigações, uma das quais resultou em ele se tornar o primeiro presidente americano eleito a sofrer impeachment. Mesmo assim, ele deixou o cargo em 2001 desfrutando de grande popularidade.

Vida pregressa
Bill Clinton nasceu William Jefferson Blythe IV em 19 de agosto de 1946, em Hope, filho de William Jefferson Blythe III e Virginia Cassidy Blythe. Seu pai, um caixeiro viajante, morreu em um acidente automobilístico antes do nascimento de Clinton. Depois de se tornar presidente, Clinton soube que seu pai havia se casado pelo menos três vezes e que ele tinha um meio-irmão e uma meia-irmã que nunca conheceu. Ele mudou seu nome para Clinton depois que sua mãe se casou com Roger Clinton, um revendedor de automóveis. A família mudou-se para Hot Springs (condado de Garland), onde ele se formou no ensino médio. Depois de se tornar presidente dos Estados Unidos, ele e sua mãe revelaram que Roger Clinton tinha sido um alcoólatra que abusou de Clinton, a mãe de Clinton e o meio-irmão mais novo de Clinton, Roger.

Clinton foi um estudante precoce, musicalmente talentoso e popular. Ele se formou na Georgetown University em Washington DC, frequentou a Oxford University em Oxford, Inglaterra, com uma bolsa de estudos Rhodes, e se formou em direito na Yale University em New Haven, Connecticut, onde conheceu sua futura esposa, Hillary Rodham de Park Ridge, Illinois . Depois de se formar em direito em 1973, ele retornou ao Arkansas para lecionar direito na Universidade de Arkansas (UA) em Fayetteville (condado de Washington). Rodham ingressou no corpo docente em 1974, e eles se casaram em 11 de outubro de 1975.

Carreira política inicial
Com a intenção de seguir carreira política desde criança, Clinton foi escolhido para cargos públicos ao longo de sua carreira de estudante. Enquanto estudante em Georgetown, ele trabalhou na equipe do Comitê de Relações Exteriores do Senado, que era presidido pelo senador do Arkansas, J. William Fulbright, um democrata. Em 1972, coordenou a campanha presidencial do senador George S. McGovern no Texas. Ele também lidou com a delegação do Arkansas na Convenção Nacional Democrata.

Em 1974, apenas alguns meses depois de entrar para o corpo docente da Universidade de Arkansas, ele concorreu a representante dos Estados Unidos no Terceiro Distrito Congressional do estado (noroeste do Arkansas). Ele ganhou a indicação democrata, mas perdeu - cinquenta e dois por cento contra quarenta e oito por cento - para o deputado John Paul Hammerschmidt, um republicano que concorre ao quinto mandato. Clinton venceu facilmente uma corrida para procurador-geral em 1976 contra os oponentes democratas George O. Jernigan Jr. e Clarence Cash. Ele não teve oposição nas eleições gerais. Ele ganhou popularidade quando seu escritório se opôs aos aumentos de tarifas para serviços públicos e lutou, por motivos ambientais, contra os planos da Arkansas Power and Light de construir uma usina a carvão no Condado de Independence para gerar eletricidade. Em 1978, ele derrotou facilmente quatro candidatos para a indicação democrata para governador e, em seguida, derrotou facilmente a candidata republicana, Lynn Lowe, de Texarkana (condado de Miller), obtendo 63,4% dos votos. Ele foi empossado governador em janeiro de 1979, aos trinta e dois anos.

Governador do arkansas
Em seu primeiro mandato, Clinton propôs reformas modestas na educação e na regulamentação comercial, especialmente para controlar a poluição, mas sua maior iniciativa, um programa de rodovias, custou caro fiscal e politicamente. Ele persuadiu o legislativo a aumentar os impostos sobre os combustíveis e outras taxas sobre os veículos. Os aumentos nas taxas de registro anual de automóveis e caminhões foram particularmente impopulares. Clinton sempre diria que as taxas de licença custaram-lhe a reeleição em 1980, embora outras iniciativas que empreendeu irritaram grandes interesses. A indústria de caminhões estava irritada por seus esforços para aumentar os impostos sobre grandes plataformas e também por sua oposição a aumentar os limites de peso para os interesses de aves nas rodovias do Arkansas foram irritados com a questão do peso das rodovias, a indústria de produtos de madeira pelas duras críticas de seu escritório e # 8217s desmatamento de florestas e banqueiros por sua sugestão de que fundos estaduais ociosos sejam distribuídos entre os bancos com base em suas políticas de empréstimo. Os interesses das concessionárias, que eram particularmente poderosos, estavam irritados com os esforços de Clinton para endurecer a regulamentação dos aumentos de tarifas, e ele também lutou contra a maior concessionária de energia elétrica do estado, Arkansas Power and Light, sobre o esforço bem-sucedido da controladora & # 8217s para fazer Os contribuintes do Arkansas arcam com grande parte dos custos de uma grande usina nuclear em Port Gibson, Mississippi. Esses interesses tendiam a apoiar seu oponente republicano em 1980.

Clinton também foi prejudicado politicamente pela presença de refugiados cubanos em Fort Chaffee, enviados para lá pelo amigo de Clinton, o presidente Jimmy Carter. Cuba suspendeu temporariamente suas restrições de saída e permitiu que cerca de 125.000 cubanos fossem para os Estados Unidos de barco. Carter enviou cerca de 25.000 deles para Fort Chaffee. Incidentes de tumultos e outras violências ocorreram em maio e junho de 1980 dentro e fora do Forte Chaffee, com sessenta e duas pessoas feridas em 1º de junho, nenhuma gravemente, e quatro edifícios do forte incendiados. Um vídeo dos cubanos rebeldes apareceu em um anúncio de campanha eficaz para o oponente de Clinton na eleição. Frank D. White, um ex-banqueiro e oficial de desenvolvimento industrial do estado, trocou de partido para concorrer ao governo em 1980. Ele culpou Clinton pela ameaça à segurança pública que os cubanos representavam e pelas taxas mais altas de licenciamento de veículos. Ele derrotou Clinton na eleição com quase cinquenta e dois por cento dos votos.

Clinton começou a exercer a advocacia em Little Rock (condado de Pulaski) e se preparou para a disputa para governador de 1982. Ele derrotou o ex-procurador-geral Joe Purcell e o ex-representante dos EUA Jim Guy Tucker para a nomeação democrata e derrotou facilmente White para recuperar o cargo. Ele foi reeleito em 1984, 1986 e 1990 (Arkansas adotou um mandato de quatro anos para governadores começando em 1986).

Durante a campanha de 1982, Clinton prometeu fazer grandes avanços na educação, incluindo um grande investimento de dinheiro público, mas evitou dizer que aumentaria os impostos. Ele teve a oportunidade de aumentar os impostos quando a Suprema Corte do Arkansas, na primavera de 1983, decidiu que o sistema de financiamento das escolas públicas era inconstitucional porque fornecia recursos desiguais para os distritos escolares. Clinton convocou uma sessão especial do legislativo e propôs impostos mais altos e um grande pacote de leis escolares, incluindo uma nova fórmula para distribuir os dólares do estado entre os distritos escolares de forma mais equitativa e uma lei polêmica que exige que todos os professores e administradores escolares passem em um teste de ensino básico Habilidades. A legislatura aumentou o imposto sobre vendas de três para quatro por cento e aprovou a maior parte de sua outra legislação. O Conselho de Educação de Arkansas adotou padrões de credenciamento mais rígidos para escolas, que foram propostos por uma comissão de estudos chefiada pela esposa do governador.

A sessão legislativa regular de 1985 foi dedicada ao desenvolvimento econômico. A legislatura aprovou quase todo o programa de Clinton, que incluiu mudanças nas leis bancárias, dinheiro inicial para empresas orientadas para a tecnologia e grandes incentivos fiscais para as indústrias de Arkansas que expandiram sua produção e empregos. Arkansas foi um dos melhores estados na criação de novos empregos nos próximos seis anos, mas a maioria dos empregos não pagou altos salários e continuou sendo um dos piores estados em termos de renda média.

Clinton tentou, sem sucesso, em 1987 e 1989 aumentar novos impostos para a educação, mas depois de uma vitória retumbante nas eleições de 1990 sobre um oponente republicano bem financiado, Sheffield Nelson, e a derrota de vários oponentes legislativos importantes, ele teve grande sucesso em 1991. Ele convocou uma entrevista coletiva em 1988 para anunciar os planos de concorrer à presidência, mas mudou de ideia no último minuto, explicando que a campanha e o trabalho seriam muito difíceis para sua esposa e filha, Chelsea Victoria, de oito anos . Embora tenha prometido durante a campanha de 1990 que completaria seu mandato de quatro anos, ele decidiu se candidatar à presidência em 1992. Suas reformas educacionais e sua liderança em várias organizações nacionais, incluindo a Conferência Nacional de Governadores e o Conselho de Liderança Democrática— um grupo de detentores de cargos democratas moderados e empresários que procuraram alterar a tendência liberal do Partido Democrata nacional - fortaleceu sua estatura nacional e deu-lhe conexões importantes.

Eleições presidenciais
Em 3 de outubro de 1991, Clinton anunciou que concorreria à presidência em 1992. Ele tinha cinco oponentes democratas: o senador Robert Kerrey de Nebraska, o senador Tom Harkin de Iowa, o ex-senador Paul Tsongas de Massachusetts, o governador L. Douglas Wilder da Virgínia, e o ex-governador da Califórnia Edmund G. (Jerry) Brown. Embora ele rapidamente se estabeleceu como o favorito, sua campanha quase foi prejudicada por acusações de infidelidade conjugal - incluindo a acusação de uma mulher de Little Rock chamada Gennifer Flowers de que ela tinha um caso de longa data com Clinton quando ele era procurador-geral e governador - e por revelações de que ele havia tomado medidas incomuns para evitar o serviço militar durante a Guerra do Vietnã. Ele desviou dessas controvérsias e recuperou o ímpeto. Ele facilmente venceu a indicação democrata e escolheu o senador Albert Gore, do Tennessee, como seu companheiro de chapa à vice-presidência.

Tendo liderado com sucesso uma guerra contra o Iraque um ano antes, o presidente George H. W. Bush obteve altas avaliações nas pesquisas quando a campanha começou, mas uma economia lenta e alto desemprego diminuíram sua popularidade. Clinton concentrou-se na economia, prometendo garantir cobertura de seguro saúde para todos os americanos, reformar o sistema de bem-estar, decretar um corte de impostos para a classe média, iniciar um programa de serviço nacional, reformar o sistema de financiamento de campanhas federais e investir pesadamente no país infraestrutura, que ele disse estar se deteriorando. H. Ross Perot, um rico empresário do Texas, concorreu como independente e prometeu eliminar o déficit orçamentário federal aumentando impostos e cortando gastos do governo. Clinton foi ajudado pela economia fraca e pela percepção de que o presidente Bush deu pouca ênfase a melhorá-la, mas Clinton também se mostrou um militante muito melhor, principalmente nos três debates. O contraste entre o presidente envelhecido e rígido e o governador jovem e ágil foi especialmente nítido no segundo debate, um acordo na prefeitura em que Clinton engajou os questionadores pessoalmente. Bush contou com sua vasta experiência em política externa e com o sucesso da guerra para libertar o Kuwait para lhe dar uma vantagem contra o governador do que ele descreveu como um estado pequeno e pobre. Ele chamou Clinton de "liberal de impostos e gastos". Clinton recebeu 43% do voto popular contra 38% de Bush e 19% de Perot e venceu de forma ainda mais decisiva no Colégio Eleitoral, por 370 a 168.

Embora tenha sofrido polêmica durante seu primeiro mandato e seu partido tenha perdido o controle das duas casas do Congresso em 1994, Clinton teve uma eleição mais fácil para um segundo mandato em 1996. O senador Robert Dole, do Kansas, um veterano de longa data do Congresso e um moderado, ganhou a nomeação republicana. Perot concorreu novamente, desta vez como candidato do Partido Reformista, que organizou. Dole atacou o caráter de Clinton e apontou seu próprio longo serviço militar na Segunda Guerra Mundial e no Congresso. A idade de Dole, setenta e três anos, era uma questão sutil. Clinton foi reeleito com 49% dos votos populares, contra 41% de Dole e 9% de Perot. Clinton venceu a votação eleitoral com 379 votos contra 159 de Dole.

Recorde Doméstico
A amarga controvérsia perseguiu Clinton desde sua eleição até ele deixar o cargo. Ele disse durante sua primeira campanha que suspenderia a proibição de homossexuais servindo no exército e, logo após a eleição, indicou que agiria rapidamente. Protestos no Congresso e de líderes militares dominaram os períodos antes e depois de sua posse, até que ele chegou a um acordo com os líderes do serviço: os homossexuais poderiam servir se não revelassem sua orientação sexual e não se envolvessem em conduta homossexual. Ainda assim, o problema o paralisou politicamente. Em seus primeiros dois anos, ele conseguiu aprovar uma lei que exigia que empresas com mais de cinquenta trabalhadores dessem aos trabalhadores até 12 semanas de licença sem vencimento a cada ano para lidar com problemas familiares, além de outra lei que estabelecia um programa de serviço nacional chamado AmeriCorps, no qual os jovens realizam trabalhos de serviço público por um período de tempo.

Duas batalhas no Congresso nos primeiros dois anos decidiram o curso de sua presidência. Mesmo antes de assumir o cargo, Clinton foi persuadido por sua nova equipe econômica - incluindo Robert E. Rubin (presidente do Conselho Econômico Nacional), Laura D & # 8217Andrea Tyson (presidente do Conselho de Consultores Econômicos), Leon Panetta (diretor do Office of Management and Budget), Lawrence H. Summers (subsecretário do tesouro para assuntos internacionais) e Alan S. Blinder (um consultor econômico) - que a necessidade econômica crítica do país era reduzir o enorme déficit orçamentário federal, que havia chegado a US $ 290 bilhões no último ano fiscal do presidente Bush (1992-93). Reduzir ou eliminar o déficit tranquilizaria os mercados de títulos, reduziria as taxas de juros de longo prazo e estimularia maiores investimentos empresariais e mais empregos. Seu pacote de orçamento - que foi aprovado nas duas casas do Congresso sem um voto de sobra e sem um único voto republicano - reduziu os gastos em cinco anos em US $ 255 bilhões e aumentou os impostos, principalmente sobre rendas elevadas, em US $ 241 bilhões. A legislação também ampliou o Crédito de Imposto de Renda Ganhado, que proporcionou renda extra para milhões de famílias que ganham menos de US $ 30.000 por ano. O déficit diminuiu acentuadamente nos dois anos seguintes e desapareceu em 1998.

A outra batalha no Congresso foi sobre o seguro saúde nacional. Clinton nomeou sua esposa para presidir uma força-tarefa para estudar problemas de seguro e recomendar um plano de garantia de cobertura para todos. Segundo esse plano, as pessoas se uniriam a uma aliança em cada estado que contrataria seguradoras e outros grupos para oferecer seguro aos membros. A longa e complicada legislação foi contestada por muitas seguradoras e outros grupos de saúde e por todos os republicanos no Congresso. Clinton não conseguiu chegar a um acordo com os republicanos moderados que queriam um sistema de seguro expandido, e a iniciativa morreu. Esse fracasso e a impopularidade dos aumentos de impostos custaram a vários democratas seus assentos nas eleições legislativas de 1994, e os republicanos ganharam o controle da Câmara dos Representantes e do Senado, tornando difícil para Clinton aprovar qualquer uma de suas propostas no Congresso em seu último seis anos.

Depois que os republicanos ganharam o controle do Congresso, Clinton passou os seis anos seguintes lutando contra os conservadores por causa do orçamento federal e de questões sociais como o aborto. A maioria republicana, liderada pelo novo presidente da Câmara dos Deputados, Newt Gingrich, da Geórgia, buscou cortar gastos federais em educação, proteção ambiental e Medicare e Medicaid. Clinton usou seu poder de veto e a ameaça de veto para frustrar a maioria dos cortes. Anos depois, ele disse que interromper todas as iniciativas republicanas que considerava tão prejudiciais foi uma de suas maiores conquistas. Quando Clinton e a maioria do Congresso não chegaram a um acordo sobre um orçamento em 1995 e 1996, os republicanos forçaram o fechamento temporário do governo. A opinião pública parecia estar do lado do presidente, e o Congresso acabou capitulando, o que fortaleceu muito a posição de Clinton nas eleições presidenciais de 1996.

Apesar do impasse com os republicanos na maioria das questões, Clinton teve sucesso em duas iniciativas importantes depois de 1994. Desde 1985, quando era governador, Clinton defendia uma grande reforma do sistema de bem-estar para incentivar o trabalho e, em sua campanha de 1992, ele prometeu “Acabar com o bem-estar como o conhecemos”. Quando o Congresso aprovou uma versão mais dura de sua proposta em 1996, ele a transformou em lei, apesar das objeções de muitos em sua própria administração e no Congresso. Ele vetou duas medidas anteriores que foram ainda mais severas. A lei limitava os benefícios de bem-estar vitalício a cinco anos e exigia que os adultos recebedores trabalhassem após dois anos de bem-estar. Em 1997, ele elaborou um pacote orçamentário de compromisso com o Congresso que incluía cortes de impostos e cortes de gastos com o objetivo de acelerar um orçamento equilibrado, que foi equilibrado no ano seguinte pela primeira vez desde 1969. A legislação também deu início a um novo programa de seguro saúde infantil, que expandiu a cobertura do Medicaid para milhões de crianças de famílias de baixa e média renda. Clinton também sancionou medidas bipartidárias de combate ao terrorismo, permitindo mais gastos no combate ao terrorismo e facilitando a deportação de estrangeiros suspeitos de terrorismo.

Relações exteriores
O comunismo mundial não era mais o principal adversário do país quando Clinton assumiu o cargo. Em vez disso, ele foi confrontado com conflitos religiosos e étnicos, genocídio e sofrimento em países menores e mais fracos, onde os interesses dos Estados Unidos não eram claros. Ele estava inicialmente relutante em enviar forças militares para essas regiões, mas desenvolveu uma visão ampla do interesse estratégico do país em proteger os direitos humanos e promover a estabilidade. Ele enviou forças para acabar com os combates e proteger os civis no Haiti, na Bósnia-Herzegovina e em Kosovo, na ex-república da Iugoslávia. Posteriormente, ele lamentaria não ter feito o mesmo em 1994, quando dois milhões de pessoas foram deslocadas e centenas de milhares foram mortas na nação africana de Ruanda.

Clinton tentou conseguir a paz entre rivais religiosos e étnicos no Oriente Médio e na Irlanda do Norte. Sua intervenção pôs fim aos conflitos religiosos na Irlanda do Norte, uma declaração de paz entre Israel e a Organização para a Libertação da Palestina e um acordo entre Israel e Jordânia para encerrar seu estado de guerra.

Na maioria das intervenções estrangeiras, ele teve a oposição de líderes do Partido Republicano e, às vezes, de acordo com as pesquisas, do público. Quando o peso mexicano despencou em 1995, ameaçando o colapso da economia mexicana, Clinton propôs um pacote de empréstimos ao México para aliviar a crise. O Congresso hesitou quando as pesquisas mostraram oposição pública ao resgate. Clinton então concebeu um pacote de empréstimos de US $ 20 bilhões para restaurar a confiança mundial no México e executou-o sozinho. O México se recuperou e pagou os empréstimos com juros em 1997, três anos antes do previsto.

Mas o principal instrumento da política externa de Clinton não foi a intervenção militar ou diplomacia, mas o comércio e a alavancagem econômica. Ele acreditava que tarifas mais baixas e comércio mais livre com outras nações aumentariam o padrão de vida nas nações pobres, aumentaria as exportações dos EUA e melhoraria a economia americana. Apesar da oposição de muitos em seu próprio partido, que pensavam que isso custaria muitos empregos americanos, ele concluiu as negociações e ganhou a ratificação no final de 1993 do Acordo de Livre Comércio da América do Norte (Nafta), que reduziu as tarifas e criou um bloco de livre comércio entre Estados Unidos, Canadá e México. Ele também concluiu o trabalho em um acordo comercial mundial abrangente denominado Acordo Geral sobre Tarifas e Comércio (GATT), que o Congresso ratificou em 1994.

Investigações e impeachment
Durante toda a sua presidência, Clinton, sua esposa e membros de sua administração foram perseguidos por acusações de transgressão. Quando os republicanos ganharam o controle da Câmara dos Representantes e do Senado após as eleições de 1994, os comitês do Congresso conduziram investigações e longas audiências sobre acusações de má conduta. Além disso, sete advogados independentes (promotores especiais) sem precedentes foram nomeados para investigar alegações de má conduta. Uma lei promulgada durante os escândalos de Watergate relativos à administração do presidente Richard Nixon previa a nomeação de conselheiros independentes quando houvesse suspeitas de má conduta envolvendo o presidente, vice-presidente ou outros funcionários importantes da administração. A maioria das investigações não envolveu o presidente. As alegações incluíam o seguinte: um assessor da Casa Branca havia levantado fundos indevidamente por meio de um grupo privado enquanto dirigia o corpo de serviço nacional de Clinton, o primeiro secretário de agricultura de Clinton aceitou presentes impróprios de empresas que seu departamento regulamentou (incluindo a Tyson Foods, com sede em Arkansas), comércio de Clinton secretário se envolveu em negócios financeiros impróprios, o secretário de Habitação e Desenvolvimento Urbano mentiu para agentes do FBI durante uma verificação de antecedentes sobre o valor dos pagamentos que ele havia feito a uma ex-amante enquanto era prefeito do Texas, o secretário do Interior de Clinton mentiu para O Congresso falou sobre seu papel na concessão de uma licença federal para um cassino, e o secretário do Trabalho de Clinton participara de um esquema de tráfico de influência em um antigo emprego como assessor da Casa Branca. Nenhuma dessas investigações produziu evidências de atividades ilegais, embora o secretário de Habitação e Desenvolvimento Urbano admitisse não ter sido totalmente honesto sobre os pagamentos à patroa.

A investigação mais problemática e prejudicial envolveu um negócio imobiliário que Clinton e sua esposa firmaram em 1978, quando ele era procurador-geral do Arkansas. A investigação ficou conhecida como “Whitewater”, em homenagem ao nome da empresa de desenvolvimento de terras, Whitewater Development Corp., que os Clintons formaram com James D. e Susan McDougal de Little Rock. Os quatro haviam comprado 230 acres de área selvagem perto de White River e Crooked Creek no condado de Marion e perderam dinheiro quando não puderam desenvolver e vender os lotes. A principal acusação era que os McDougals, e talvez os Clinton e seu projeto imobiliário, haviam se beneficiado das operações de uma associação de poupança e empréstimo de Little Rock que James McDougal formou em Little Rock na década de 1980, que acabou falindo. Negócios entre os McDougals e uma pequena empresa de empréstimos em Little Rock dirigida por David Hale, um juiz municipal de Little Rock, também se tornaram o foco da investigação. A investigação foi ampliada para investigar o suicídio de Vincent Foster Jr. em 1993 - um advogado de Little Rock que se tornou advogado adjunto da Casa Branca - bem como a demissão da equipe de viagens da Casa Branca e outras atividades na Casa Branca.

Cedendo às críticas republicanas, Clinton pediu à procuradora-geral Janet Reno em 1994 para nomear um advogado independente para Whitewater. Seu nomeado, um advogado republicano chamado Robert B. Fiske, foi posteriormente destituído por um painel de juízes em Washington e substituído por Kenneth W. Starr, que havia sido procurador-geral do presidente George H. W. Bush.

Starr continuou a investigação durante o resto da presidência de Clinton. Embora vários habitantes de Arkansas tenham sido indiciados em várias negociações imobiliárias no Arkansas, incluindo o governador Jim Guy Tucker, nem os Clinton nem outros em sua administração foram implicados em qualquer delito nas atividades relacionadas a Whitewater. As investigações concluíram que Foster cometeu suicídio e que a demissão de funcionários de viagens não envolveu nenhum delito.

Mas uma parte da investigação de Starr valeu a pena. Os agentes conduziram longas investigações sobre relatos de infidelidades conjugais de Clinton. Uma ex-funcionária do Departamento de Desenvolvimento Industrial do Arkansas, Paula Corbin Jones, entrou com um processo em 1994 alegando que Clinton havia feito investidas sexuais indesejadas em relação a ela em um quarto de hotel em Little Rock em 1991, e a Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos decidiu que o julgamento do processo não seria distrair Clinton de seus deveres como presidente. Em 1998, Linda Tripp, confidente de Monica Lewinsky, estagiária da Casa Branca, deu a Starr gravações nas quais Lewinsky falava sobre fazer sexo oral com o presidente. Embora o caso Lewinsky não tivesse relação com nenhuma das questões de Whitewater, Starr justificou esta investigação dizendo que era parte de um padrão de obstrução da justiça na Casa Branca de Clinton. Em 9 de setembro de 1998, Starr deu à Câmara dos Representantes um longo relatório sobre as indiscrições de Clinton com Lewinsky, incluindo seus esforços para encobri-las durante o depoimento perante o grande júri de Starr e durante um depoimento que deu no caso civil de Paula Jones.

O Comitê Judiciário da Câmara acusou Clinton de “crimes graves e contravenções”, os motivos para impeachment e destituição de um presidente, e trouxe quatro artigos de impeachment contra ele. Em 19 de dezembro, votando principalmente de acordo com as linhas partidárias, a Câmara adotou dois dos artigos - perjúrio perante o grande júri e obstrução da justiça - por votos de 228 a 206 e 221 a 212. Os democratas acusaram o processo de impeachment de uma vingança republicana contra destruir um presidente popular. Mas apenas o Senado pode remover um presidente, por uma votação de dois terços. Em 12 de fevereiro de 1999, depois de ouvir longos argumentos apresentados por membros republicanos da Câmara e por defensores do presidente, incluindo um argumento final apaixonado do ex-senador do Arkansas Dale Bumpers, o Senado derrotou o artigo de perjúrio, quarenta e cinco a favor e cinquenta- cinco contra, e o artigo de obstrução da justiça, cinquenta a cinquenta. Starr disse que buscaria acusações criminais contra Clinton pelo caso Lewinsky depois que o presidente deixasse o cargo, mas um dia antes de deixar o cargo em janeiro de 2001, Clinton emitiu um comunicado se desculpando por dar testemunho errôneo ao grande júri, e Starr encerrou a investigação . O escritório de advocacia independente de Starr & # 8217s não fechou até maio de 2004. Devido à admissão de dar falso testemunho e procedimentos instituídos pelo Comitê de Ética Profissional, Clinton renunciou à sua licença para praticar a lei em Arkansas.

Pós-presidência
A esposa de Clinton decidiu no início de 1999 concorrer à cadeira no Senado dos EUA em Nova York, sendo desocupada pelo senador Daniel Patrick Moynihan. Ela e Clinton compraram uma casa em Chappaqua, Nova York, para estabelecer residência em Nova York, e ela foi eleita para o Senado dos EUA em novembro de 2000 e, novamente, em 2006, tornou-se secretária de estado em 2009 e concorreu à presidência em 2008 e 2016.

Bill Clinton se aposentou em Nova York após deixar o cargo em 20 de janeiro, abriu um escritório no bairro do Harlem e começou a escrever sua autobiografia. O livro, Minha vida, foi publicado em 2004 e se tornou um best-seller. A biblioteca presidencial de Clinton foi inaugurada em novembro de 2004 na margem do rio Little Rock. Ele viajou extensivamente por todo o mundo, especialmente na África e na Ásia, onde instituiu esforços para importar medicamentos para combater a epidemia de AIDS. Em 2005, o presidente George W. Bush nomeou Clinton e o presidente mais velho Bush para dirigir os esforços de ajuda humanitária às vítimas de um tsunami que matou mais de 200.000 pessoas ao longo da costa do Oceano Índico em 26 de dezembro de 2004. Ambos também estiveram envolvidos no os esforços de socorro para as vítimas do furacão Katrina em 2005. Em 2010, Clinton e George W. Bush criaram o Fundo Clinton Bush para o Haiti para ajudar o povo do Haiti após um terremoto em janeiro. Em 2013, ele foi premiado com a Medalha Presidencial da Liberdade pelo presidente Barack Obama. Em 2018, ele lançou seu primeiro romance, O presidente está faltando, que ele foi coautor com James Patterson. Em 2021, a dupla lançou um follow-up, A filha do presidente.

Resumo
Clinton estava entre os governadores mais produtivos do Arkansas e promoveu extensas reformas na educação pública. Seu longo mandato terminou com um longo período de criação de empregos e crescimento econômico moderado. Ele foi ainda mais ambicioso como presidente, mas não tão bem-sucedido, em parte porque lidou com um Congresso amplamente hostil nos últimos seis anos de sua presidência. Ele conduziu o Partido Democrata suavemente para longe de sua tradição liberal moderna que remontava a Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry Truman, John F. Kennedy e Lyndon B. Johnson, mas ainda conseguiu melhorar o bem-estar econômico das pessoas de baixa renda famílias trabalhadoras em US $ 20 bilhões por ano, com uma combinação de seguro saúde para seus filhos, créditos fiscais reembolsáveis ​​para o trabalho e créditos fiscais para despesas com a faculdade. Enquanto os economistas debatiam até que ponto suas políticas eram responsáveis, sua presidência marcou o período mais longo de crescimento econômico sustentado da história do país e rendeu quatro anos consecutivos de superávits orçamentários federais. Clinton foi o presidente no auge da supremacia dos EUA no mundo e ele pessoalmente se deleitou com uma admiração global sem precedentes.

Para obter informações adicionais:
Bennett, David H. Bill Clinton: construindo uma ponte para o novo milênio. Nova York: Routledge, 2014.

Brummett, John. Highwire: From the Backroads to the Beltway: The Education of Bill Clinton. Nova York: Hyperion, 1994.

Carter, Daryl A. Irmão Bill: Presidente Clinton e a Política de Raça e Classe. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2016.

Clinton, Bill. Entre a esperança e a história: enfrentando os desafios da América para o século 21. Nova York: Random House, 1996.

———. Minha vida. Nova York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004.

Conanson, Joe. Homem do mundo: os esforços adicionais de Bill Clinton. Nova York: Simon & amp Schuster, 2016.

Conason, Joe e Gene Lyons. A caça do presidente: a campanha de dez anos para destruir Bill e Hillary Clinton. Nova York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000.

Dumas, Ernest C., ed. The Clintons of Arkansas: Uma introdução por aqueles que os conhecem melhor. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1992.

Fallows, James, et. al. “Bill Clinton and His Consequences.” The Atlantic Monthly 287 (February 2001): 45–69.

Hamilton, Nigel. Bill Clinton, An American Journey. New York: Random House, 2003.

Kalb, Marvin. One Scandalous Story: Clinton, Lewinsky & 13 Days that Tarnished American Journalism. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001.

Klein, Joe. “Eight Years.” O Nova-iorquino 76 (October 16 and 23, 2000): 188-217.

———. The Natural: The Misunderstood Presidency of Bill Clinton. New York: Doubleday, 2002.

Lamb, Charles M., Joshua Boston, and Jacob R. Neiheisel. “Presidential Rhetoric and Bureaucratic Enforcement: The Clinton Administration and Civil Rights.” Political Science Quarterly 134 (Summer 2019): 277–302.

Levin, Robert E. Bill Clinton, The Inside Story. New York: Shapolsky Publishers, Inc., 1992.

Levy, Peter B. Encyclopedia of the Clinton Presidency. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002.

Maney, Patrick J. Bill Clinton: New Gilded Age President. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2016.

Maraniss, David. First in His Class: A Biography of Bill Clinton. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995.

Marcus, Alan. “Bill Clinton in Arkansas: Generational Politics, the Technology of Political Communication and the Permanent Campaign.” Historiador 72 (June 2010): 354–385.

Nelson, Michael. Clinton’s Elections: 1992, 1996, and the Birth of a New Era of Governance. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2020.

Nelson, Michael, Barbara A. Perry, and Russell L. Riley, eds. 42: Inside the Presidency of Bill Clinton. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2016.

Riley, Russell L. Inside the Clinton White House: An Oral History. Nova York: Oxford University Press, 2016.

Root, Paul, ed. To the Grassroots with Bill Clinton. Arkadelphia, AR: The Pete Parks Center for Regional Studies, Ouachita Baptist University, 2002.

Schier, Steven E. o Postmodern Presidency: Bill Clinton’s Legacy in U.S. Politics. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000.

Shields, Todd G., Jeannie M. Whayne, and Donald R. Kelley, eds. The Clinton Riddle: Perspectives on the Forty-second President. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2004.

Siewert, Markus B. “‘It’s Never Easy for the President to Get Exactly What He Wants’: Presidential Activism and Success in the Legislative Arena during the Presidencies of Clinton, Bush, and Obama.” PhD diss., Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universitaet Frankfurt am Main, 2018.

Smith, Stephen A., ed. Preface to the Presidency: Selected Speeches of Bill Clinton, 1974–1992. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1996.

Takiff, Michael. A Complicated Man: The Life of Bill Clinton as Told by Those Who Know Him. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010.


Racist then, racist now: The real story of Bill Clinton's crime bill

By Chauncey DeVega
Published April 16, 2016 1:30PM (EDT)

Bill Clinton signs the $30 billion crime bill, Sept. 13, 1994. (AP/Dennis Cook)

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At a recent rally in support of his wife’s 2016 presidential campaign, Bill Clinton argued with protesters about the negative impact of his 1994 crime bill on the black community. In his exchange with Rufus Farmer and Erica Mines, the former president — finger-waving, angry, lecturing and condescending, said:

I don’t know how you would characterize the gang leaders who got 13-year-old kids hopped on crack and sent them out into the street to murder other African American children. Maybe you thought they were good citizens…. You are defending the people who kill the lives you say matter. Tell the truth!

As he continued, it also became clear that Bill Clinton — through some great leap of faith and twisted logic — believes that his wife’s aid work in Africa immunizes her from any criticisms about the role she may have played in slurring a generation of poor and working-class black youth as out of control and monstrous “super predators.”

This was not one of Clinton’s finest hours, either as an advocate for Hillary’s campaign, or as a former president of the United States trying to reconcile what was considered by many to be a landmark legislative achievement 20 years ago with how its consequences — both intended and otherwise — are being evaluated at present. In total, Bill Clinton’s comments to Farmer and Mines were ill-timed, poorly considered and impolitic.

As Princeton’s Eddie Glaude Jr. recently wrote about this moment, it exposed Bill Clinton as a “two-faced Janus” politician who “revealed one of his contrasting sides. Not the smooth, white Southern politician who moves among African Americans with ease and grace, but the smug and paternal Southern white boy who simply wants you to hush and swallow his lies whole.”

However, from the lofty perch of hindsight, complicated public policy challenges are all too often made to look simple and easy. Bill Clinton’s confused and angry response to being questioned about his role in the mass incarceration of black Americans (and what scholars such as Michelle Alexander have described as the “new Jim Crow”) is a reflection of the messy politics that birthed the 1994 crime bill (The Violent Crime Control Act).

In all, if the Clintons are lost in the morass of a political swamp where they are struggling how to best explain their role in the mass incarceration of black Americans, such a predicament is at least partially a reflection of the contradictions and complexities that occur whenever questions of race, class, justice and crime intersect along the color line in the United States.

Public policy reflects the goals, needs and interests of multiple groups. These myriad agendas are often poorly reconciled with what best serves a given public. At its most ideal, good public policy balances public and private interests and also serves the Common Good. Public policy made in response to a moral panic or similar hysteria may provide short-term relief and a symbolic victory. Yet, the politics of panic and hysteria sometimes make a given problem worse or serve as a temporary salve for what are, in reality, deeper and more systemic social and political defects

The 1994 Violent Crime Control Act was born out of a moment, the mid- to late-1980s and the early 1990s, when violent crime was a national emergency. During this time period, there was panic and hysteria, and we must remember the way it was framed — the talk of the denizens of crime-infested inner city neighborhoods who would often sleep in bathtubs to avoid bullets. Crack cocaine was a monster that broke homes and families, made gangs rich, lured black boys and girls into crime, and created a generation of “crack babies” — black children who were destined to be learning disabled, physically handicapped, and as they matured, would soon be trapped in an endless cycle of “ghetto culture” of poverty, crime and drugs.

The “super-predators” Hillary referred to were black street pirates without a moral code or any sense of restraint. It was rumored that some of them even smoked “illies” (marijuana laced with embalming fluid, PCP, and/or cocaine) that made the user even more crazy and dangerous. Hillary Clinton wanted to bring these black “thugs” to “heel.” Donald Trump ran ads in newspapers demanding that the four black and one Hispanic teenager who were arrested for allegedly raping a 28-year-old old white woman in New York City’s Central Park “be forced to suffer and, when they kill, they should be executed for their crimes. They must serve as examples so that others will think long and hard before committing a crime or an act of violence.”

Popular culture is central to public memory. The moment that produced Bill Clinton’s 1994 crime bill also inspired drug and gang themed movies such as "Boyz n the Hood," "Colors," "New Jack City" and "Deep Cover."

"Deep Cover" highlighted the tragedy of crack babies. In "New Jack City," Chris Rock’s character, “Pookie," rail thin and shaking from withdrawal, struggled with his crack addiction. "Colors" featured actors Robert Duvall and Sean Penn, the wizened veteran cop and the hot-headed rookie, engaging in street battles with Los Angeles street gangs. John Singleton’s "Boyz n the Hood" taught the viewer that good people are collateral damage for gang violence … and that revenge may eventually come, but it is rarely satisfying.

If film is a space where a society is talking to itself about itself, the collective subconscious projected onto a screen at 24 frames per second, America’s inner cities were war zones and murder fields that ate both criminals and the innocent with equal enthusiasm.

In this moment, at the end of the first Bush administration and the beginning of the Clinton era, “gangsta rap” would ascend the Billboard charts. Calvin C. Butts, Tipper Gore and C. Delores Tucker would make “rap music” the new “seduction of the innocent” where instead of the “ten cent plague” of comic books, it was gangsta rap that was bringing ruin to America’s youth.

Of course, much of this “common-sense” popular narrative would unravel with time — its integrity being tenuous even then.

Crack cocaine was not substantially more addictive than the powdered cocaine favored by white America and the rich. As they age, crack babies are not much more different than their peers who were not exposed to cocaine in-utero. The “Central Park Five” were later found to be innocent and would be released from prison in 2014. Much of gangsta rap was the exaggerated storytelling and myth-making of working- and middle-class black youth. Their songs were the murder ballads and gangster movies of an earlier era now updated for a new generation.

During the Clinton era, hip-hop was now fully co-opted by white suburban youth. They never held an AK-47, but white young people could buy many millions of copies of the album "Niggaz4Life" as they lived out their new age race minstrel black culture industry fantasies of murder and violence.

The most extreme critics of Bill and Hillary Clinton and the 1994 crime bill depict the two as waging a war on black folks, unleashing a racist carceral society that placed many thousands of non-violent black offenders in prison and jail. In this narrative, if the punishing and punitive state is one of the primary features of a racist and classist America, then the Clintons ought to be public enemy No. 1 for black people.

It is true that the Violent Crime Control Act (and a 1996 “welfare reform” bill that actually increased extreme poverty) was certainly part of an intentional move by Bill Clinton and other “New Democrats” to mine white racial resentment and overt bigotry against black people for electoral gain in a political landscape where “Reagan Democrats” were coveted, and the Republican Party had hammered “liberals” for being “soft” on crime (and thus by implication too “close” to people of color).

Allowing for that fact, we must still be cautious, as an extremely narrow focus on those dynamics risks neglecting an important question. What was the role of black elites and the black mass public in the passing of the 1994 crime bill?

A flattened and distorted version of what has been demonized as “black respectability politics,” where the fallen Bill Cosby and his speech on “pound cakes,” “sagging pants” and black wayward youth, has made this type of intervention unpopular. Nevertheless, it remains a question and complication that should be explored.

As political scientist Michael Fortner argues in his new book, what he terms as “the black silent majority,” has long-supported a “get tough” approach to crime and law enforcement. This is practical self-interest: if violent and other types of street crime are often more common in poor, low-income, and working class communities — and America is a race and class segregated society — then black and brown folks who live in those spaces are more likely to be victims of crime.

In Fortner’s telling, the black silent majority’s heightened sense of anger, fear, and despair greatly attenuated the appeal of the so-called “old penology” favored by white liberals (as well as a lingering minority of black voices), which emphasized treatment and rehabilitation over punishment. While Fortner argues that it isn’t quite fair to say that the old penology had failed — to the extent treatment-centered approaches were tried in mid-century New York, they were likely doomed from the start by a lack of funding and improper implementation — once this attitude had hardened, it pushed Harlemites to seek enforcement- and punishment-heavy responses to help stabilize their neighborhoods.

Locating “Black Lives Matter” relative to this history, New York details how:

Fortner said he appreciates what the movement has done. “I think we're having a very important conversation about police brutality,” he said, and he credits BLM with “forcing people and politicians to recognize both this problem and the dignity and worth of black folks in general. And I think that's a great thing.” But he also argued that the BLM conversation ignores the very real effects crime has on certain neighborhoods. “I think it tends to minimize street violence and some of the terror that many poor people of color endure within urban communities throughout the United States, and that it doesn't speak to the violence against their lives that is not the product of the state but is done by people that look like them, people from their neighborhood, people from their communities,” he said. “And I wish that would be a larger part of the conversation. Not to say it should replace the conversation, but that the conversation should include all types of violence that destroy and undermine the lives of poor people of color in urban communities. “

Black policy makers, other elites, and on the ground activists did não unanimously support the 1994 crime bill. Jesse Jackson opposed it. Members of the Congressional Black Caucus voted for it with much reluctance. But this was balanced by how other black leaders and influential voices in the African-America press supported the bill. The 1994 crime bill was not imposed from above on compliant, weak and complacent black Americans who lacked agency. No, the Violent Crime Control Act outcome was a coincidence of interests that came together, however tenuously, and which would eventually result in serious negative externalities that continue to shape American politics and society today.

The ultimate question remains: Did the 1994 Violent Crime Control Act fulfill its goal of reducing crime? Social scientists have argued that crime was at its peak and already declining when the 1994 bill was passed. Other scholars have shown that the Violent Crime Control Act did not, in fact, lead to the mass incarceration of black Americans.

Some have suggested that an improving economy and generational cycles are responsible for today’s record low levels of violent crime, not the 1994 crime bill. Clinton’s boasting about how he put thousands of cops on the street, and how that decision subsequently reduced violent crime, is also open for much debate.

While we may fight about the impact of Bill and Hillary’s political legacy, the War on Drugs and the 1994 crime bill, several facts remain fixed and certain. The American criminal justice system is both racist and classist. It punishes black and brown people disproportionately, gives them harsher sentences for the same crimes that are committed by white defendants and is one of the primary means through which political, social, and economic inequality are reproduced in American society.

The United States is now, fully, a carceral society — one where the moral hazard of profit-seeking, privatization and corporate-owned prisons have incentivized the arrest and imprisonment of millions of people (many of whom are innocent). For example, locales such as Ferguson, Missouri are run like debt peonage schemes from the era of Jim and Jane Crow and the end of Reconstruction where black people are targeted for harassment by police in order to line the latter’s wallets and the white community’s coffers.

Most importantly, American democracy and civic culture are undermined by felony disenfranchisement laws and a condition of “custodial citizenship” that denies all people the equal ability to participate in the governance of the country, generally, and their own communities, specifically.

The Clintons’ political record and relationship to the black community should be critically evaluated, and they should be held accountable for it. But as we reconsider and debate the legacy of Bill and Hillary Clinton and the 1994 crime bill, the words of actor, artist and hip-hop legend Tupac Shakur resonate in a surprising and unexpected way:

“The same crime element that white people are scared of black people are scared of. While they waiting for legislation to pass, we next door to the killer. All them killers they let out, they're in that building. Just because we black, we get along with the killers? What is that?”

Black folks are no different from anyone else. They have no use for crime and criminals. This is the realpolitik that gave birth to the deeply problematic 1994 crime bill and a legacy which we are still grappling with twenty years later.

Chauncey DeVega

Chauncey DeVega is a politics staff writer for Salon. His essays can also be found at Chaunceydevega.com. He also hosts a weekly podcast, The Chauncey DeVega Show. Chauncey can be followed on Twitter and Facebook.

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Bill Clinton - HISTORY

Bill Clinton, the 42nd President of the United States brought more economic prosperity and peace to the country than any U.S. president since WWII.

Vida pregressa

William Jefferson Blythe III, who we know today as Bill Clinton, was born on August 19, 1946 at hospital in Arkansas. Bill’s father was a salesman on the road who died three months prior to Bill’s birth during a car accident. Bill’s mother, Virginia Cassidy, left for New Orleans after his birth to pursue a career in nursing.

Eldridge and Edith, Bill’s maternal grandparents were responsible for his growing years. They were able to support him with the help of their small grocery business. Shortly in 1950, Bill’s mother came home from the nursing college and eventually wedded Roger Clinton, co-owner of an auto dealership business in Hot Spring, Arkansas. With this union, Bill assumed the surname of his stepfather but he officially embraced the family name Clinton after turning fourteen as a sign of his acceptance of Roger Clinton.

Educação

Clinton was a very active student having attended several schools like St. John’s and Ramble in elementary and Hot Springs during his high school. He was also a voracious reader and a musician. He played tenor saxophone and won the first chair in the saxophone section in the nation’s band. He dedicated a part of his life into music until he finally realized that what he really wanted was to become a public servant and to be elected in an office. He knew in his heart that he could do a lot of things and become his greatest as an elected official.

Two very significant events in his student life greatly influenced his decision to become a political figure. First was his visit to White House during a special conference for youths. He was already in his senior year in high school and a Boys Nation senator. During the said event he was able to shake hands with then president John F. Kennedy. Given one of the most unforgettable moment in his life, he decided that he would like to become a president also. The second event was when he heard the speech of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1963. The speech “I Have A Dream” changed the way Clinton looked at life. He started to envision what he wanted for his life and that was to work with and for other people.

Clinton earned a lot of scholarships that led him to Georgetown University where he finished a Foreign Service degree course. During his college years, he became a member of several organizations such as Alpha Phi Omega, Phi Beta Kappa, Kappa Kappa Psi and Order of DeMolay. After earning his BS degree, he won University College scholarship in Oxford and studied Philosophy, Economics and Politics. However, he didn’t finish his schooling at Oxford when he switched to Yale University for a law degree. He obtained his Juris Doctor degree at Yale Law School. That was the same school where Hillary Rodham, his future wife, was ahead of him. They dated and married on October 11, 1975. They had one child, Chelsea, who came to the world on February 27, 1980.

Political Career

Upon completion of his study in 1974, Clinton officially entered the world of politics and vied for a position in the House of Representatives. He lost to JP Hammerschmidt by a 4% margin of votes. Shortly after two years, he was elected as Arkansas Attorney General. By 1978, he won as Governor of Arkansas, defeating Lynn Lowe, candidate of the Republicans. At the age of 32, he became the youngest of all the governors of Arkansas. His time in power focused on the development of the roads and education reforms. Alongside Clinton was his wife, Hillary, who watched over the reform of city health care.

His administration was responsible in assigning women and the minorities in very important job positions. However, during his fight for reelection, he lost to Frank White. His chance was spoiled by the motor vehicle tariff and the incident of the Cuban refugees in 1980. With his loss, he joined his friend’s law firm while working on his return to politics. He worked for his reelection as governor and indeed he made a come back to the government and was able to hold it for 10 years.

He chaired the National Governors Association around 1986-1987 giving him an exposure outside of Arkansas. Clinton established a lot of developments ranging from economy to education, creating jobs and exempting senior citizens from medication sales tax. Reforms in education turned the worst into the best in the nation. There were raises in teachers’ salaries, increases in vocational education, better opportunities for gifted students, and wider choices of college courses. This was considered as Clinton’s greatest accomplishment as Governor.

On October 3, 1991, Clinton made a life changing decision when he announced his intention to run as president. There were several controversies attached to Clinton during his campaign for presidency but he was able to score a decisive victory against incumbent president George W. Bush and Ross Perot. On November 3, 1992, he was elected as the 42nd president of the United States. His ascension to office ended the control of the Republicans in the White House. This gave the Democrats power in Congress. He was sworn into office on January 20, 1993 at the age of 46.

His initial years in office were rough with failed bills however he was able to smooth things out before the 1996 election. His popularity came back with the Violent Crime Control Law Enforcement Act and a law designed to raise the minimum wage level. Clinton’s life was an open book during his presidency for two consecutive tenures. He was honored for his many achievements and at the same time charged with a lot of accusations. He was also being considered for a Nobel Prize for Peace but was tattered by a sex scandal with Monica Lewinsky.

Key Events during His Presidency

During his two consecutive terms as president of the United States, there were several key events in his administration. In 1993, Clinton assigned his wife, Hillary Rodham Clinton, to head the Task Force on National Health Care Program in the hope of reforming the health care structure by a guarantee of universal coverage in health insurance and to control the health care cost. He also signed the Family Medical Leave Act requiring companies to give up to three months of leave to workers for family and medical emergency situations.

On July 19, 1993 Clinton announced that homosexuals would be permitted to join the military service as long as they wouldn’t acknowledge their sexual orientation and preference. This implementation would be dubbed the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy. Clinton also played a vital role in the first agreement between the Jews and the Palestinians by hosting the ceremony in Washington.

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was signed on December 8, 1993 during his term abolishing the trade barrier among Canada, Mexico and the United States. This agreement established the largest free trade zone in the world.

In 1994, President Clinton introduced the “Partnership for Peace” during the NATO summit designed to bring closer ties amid previous Warsaw Pact states and NATO. He also ended the trade ban alongside Vietnam on February 3, 1994 and renewed trade status with China on May 26. During this year, he signed the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act providing an additional 100,000 policemen and the increase of death penalty coverage. Death penalty was extended to fifty other crimes. Finally, before the year ended, Clinton together with the presidents of 4 other nations signed the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START I) in Hungary to eradicate and abolish 9,000 warheads.

1995 was a good year when he started it by signing an act on anti-discrimination in the workplace to take effect to the rest of the country. It was followed by a diplomatic recognition of Vietnam after twenty-two years.

On January 23, 1996 Clinton gave his State of the Nation Address declaring himself as a moderate Democrat in preparation for his bet for another term in office. Being a supporter of the “right to choose”, he vetoed a bill about abortion making it safe, legal and rare. Later that year in August, he signed a bill on welfare reform to limit the number of people receiving welfare benefits and to ensure that the system works as intentioned. With the onset on nuclear weapon testing among strong countries, the United Stated through President Clinton agreed to a treaty prohibiting all forms of nuclear weapon testing. On November 5 of that year, Clinton won a re-election for his second term defeating Senator Bob Dole.

On April 10, 1998 President Clinton worked hard to bring about an agreement between Catholic and Protestant heads to sign the “Good Friday Peace Accords” as part of the North Ireland peace procedure. Clinton served as a medium in stabilizing peace and order throughout the globe by providing military back-up, financial help and active participation to worldwide move against terrorism. As he battled national and international issues, he was also fighting personal issues attached to him during his presidency. Sexual harassment issues marked his name making him lose votes in his move to run for another term.

Significance and Contribution

Clinton’s presidency was one of the hardest historical accounts to ascertain. However, Clinton was considered by scholars to have made a very important historical impact in the U.S. government and its society as well. First and foremost, he was able to revive the Democratic reign to control the White House. He was able to make it more appealing to middle-class families by upholding peace and order, anti-discrimination and several reform programs in education. While introducing new priorities to the people, he was also able to maintain the time-honored Democratic ways of providing for the underprivileged, supporting women and minorities and motivating economic growth.

Clinton was able establish a strong economy with the help of his brilliant economic team, led by Robert Rubin of the National Economic Council. He was able to get rid of the federal deficit creating a period of assurance and faith in the financial market. A big turn around in the deficit to asset was a stage in his presidency that captured the minds of economists especially with the odd steps his government made to make that possible. He led the nation to an era of strong economic wealth. The people under his administration enjoyed the lowest unemployment percentage, lowest inflation, highest home ownership and economic uniformity.

In the field of foreign relations and policy, Clinton was remarkable in the economic globalization. He was able to establish new procedures of free trade through NAFTA and GATT. His administration was also responsible in resolving currency problems of Mexico and some East Asia countries. His success will be recorded in history with the aid of his administration in ending conflict threatening the security of Europe and the possibility of cooperative measures. He also presided the signing of the Oslo Accords, stabilizing Bosnia with the Daytona Peace Accord and ending ethnic purification of Albanians.

Although his presidency ended in 2001, he remained an influential figure at the global scene. Through his foundation, William J. Clinton Foundation, he was able to create a project dedicated to development research against climate change, the Clinton Climate Initiative. He also holds an annual meeting of leaders all over the world to discuss issues affecting the human race with Clinton Global Initiative. His Clinton Foundation Haiti Fund is also committed in reconstructing Haiti after the 2010 earthquake.

Bill Clinton is considered as one of America’s most important leaders of today. He is the only Democrat to earn two terms in presidency after Franklin Roosevelt. In spite of the controversies connected to him, he was able to revive his image and maintained his popularity as a political figure. As proof, he received numerous awards, honorary degrees, and several schools were named after him. He was also given honors by other countries such as Czech Republic, New Guinea, Germany and Kosovo. He was selected as “Man of the Year” twice by Time Magazine. He also received the International Freedom Conductor Award for his help in raising fund for the tsunami victims in South Asia. With these numerous awards and more, Bill Clinton continues to move for the good of mankind, president or not.


Not Long To Live

About 10 months later, the Globe tried this story again. Bill Clinton was now reportedly dying of cancer instead of Parkinson’s, and the same former aide was quoted as saying that Bill was “going down fast.” This repeated story was impossible to take seriously just because it was a near-exact copy of the old bogus story. The tabloid used some carefully selected photos to make Clinton look worse off than he actually is, but there was no accuracy to be found.


William Jefferson Clinton was born in Hope, Arkansas, on August 19, 1946. He was a fifth-generation Arkansan. His mother, Virginia Kelly, named him William Jefferson Blythe III after his father, who died in a car accident before his son's birth. When Bill was four years old, his mother left him with her parents while she trained as a nurse.

When Bill was eight, his mother married Roger Clinton. The family moved to Hot Springs, Arkansas, where they lived in small house with no indoor plumbing. Bill's stepfather was an alcoholic, and family life was frequently disrupted by domestic violence. When he was fifteen, Bill warned his stepfather never to hit his mother or half-brother, Roger Jr., again. "That was a dramatic thing," Clinton recalled years later in an interview with Tempo revista. Despite his rocky relationship with his stepfather, Bill changed his last name to Clinton as a teenager.

When Clinton was seventeen, he met then President John F. Kennedy (1917�). As a result, Clinton decided that he wanted a career in politics. He entered Georgetown University in 1964. As a college student, he was committed to the movement against the Vietnam War (1955� a war in Vietnam in which South Vietnam, assisted by the United States, fought against a takeover by North


Obrigado!

According to Abrams’s book, at the height of the Cold War, John F. Kennedy reportedly smoked three marijuana cigarettes with a mistress, but “when offered a fourth joint, the president begged off,” saying, “Suppose the Russians did something now.” During the 1960 presidential campaign and his first term, Kennedy&mdashwho suffered from consistent and extreme pain&mdashis also said to have gotten hooked on narcotics for medicinal purposes administered by doctor who practiced on Manhattan’s Upper East Side, who was known as “Dr. Feelgood” and was known for doling out amphetamine to celebrity patients. When Kennedy’s brother Robert suggested he lay off them, he said, “I don’t care if it’s horse piss. It works.” (Dr. Feelgood’s license was revoked in 1975.) A doctor who reviewed JFK’s medical records in 2002 concluded that he was “being treated with narcotics all the time” and that’s why he was constantly tired.

In the post-Clinton years, things have continued to evolve.

George W. Bush had a religious awakening while he got sober around age 40, but had a more wild lifestyle prior to that change. According to Abrams’s book, while Bush was living in an apartment in Houston in the 1970s, he drank and did cocaine at a nightspot called the Mileau. Author J.H. Hatfield’s controversial Bush biography Fortunate Son also alleges that he was arrested for possession of cocaine.

Bush, like his predecessor, was less than enthusiastic about going public with that part of his life. In 2005, audio leaked of a conversation that 43 appeared to have with an aide about how to avoid questions about past drug use, insisting that he “wouldn’t answer the marijuana question” because he didn’t want to have a kid to say “President Bush tried marijuana, I think I will.” Later in the tape, he says that if he’s asked about cocaine, “rather than saying no,” he would “draw the line and look people in the eye and say, you know, ‘I’m not going to participate in ugly rumors about me and blame my opponent,’ and hold the line.”

But, by the time Barack Obama came to office in 2008, the social change that Clinton’s admission was said to have heralded had clearly taken effect. It was no secret during his term that, as a teen at Hawaii’s Punahou School, Obama had been a member of the “Choom Gang” and had even thanked his drug dealer Ray in his yearbook. In his second memoir Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance, the 44th president said he did drugs to take his mind off of his strained relationship with his father, who lived in Kenya: “Pot had helped, and booze maybe a little blow when you could afford it.”


A guide to the allegations of Bill Clinton’s womanizing

On Twitter, Donald Trump, the GOP presidential front-runner, lashed out at Hillary Clinton, directly attacking her husband, the former president, for what Trump called “his terrible record of women abuse.”

Trump is obviously referring to the sexual allegations that have long swirled around Clinton, even before he became president. We’d earlier explored this question in 2014 when Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) wrongly claimed that a half dozen women had called Clinton a “sexual predator.” But for younger voters who may be wondering what the fuss is about, here again is a guide to the various claims made about Clinton’s sex life.

We will divide the stories into two parts: consensual liaisons admitted by the women in question and allegations of an unwanted sexual encounter.

Consensual affairs

Gennifer Flowers — a model and actress whose claims of a long-term affair nearly wrecked Clinton’s first run for the presidency in 1992. (Clinton denied her claims at the time, but under oath in 1998 he acknowledged a sexual encounter with her.)

Monica Lewinsky — intern at the White House, whose affair with Clinton fueled impeachment charges. This was a consensual affair, in which Lewinsky was an eager participant she was 22 when the affair started and Clinton was her boss.

Dolly Kyle Browning — A high school friend who said in a sworn declaration that she had had a 22-year off-and-on sexual relationship with Clinton.

Elizabeth Ward Gracen — a former Miss America who said she had a one-night stand with Clinton while he was governor — and she was married. She went public to specifically deny reports he had forced himself on her.

Myra Belle “Sally” Miller — the 1958 Miss Arkansas who said in 1992 that she had had an affair with Clinton in 1983. She claimed that she had been warned not to go public by a Democratic Party official: “They knew that I went jogging by myself and he couldn’t guarantee what would happen to my pretty little legs.”

Some might argue that because Lewinsky and Gracen had relations when Clinton was in a position of executive authority, Clinton engaged in sexual harassment. Certainly an Equal Employment Opportunity Commission claim could have been filed, though these women did not take that opportunity.

Allegations of an unwanted sexual encounter

Paula Jones — A former Arkansas state employee who alleged that in 1991 Clinton, while governor, propositioned her and exposed himself. She later filed a sexual harassment suit, and it was during a deposition in that suit that Clinton initially denied having sexual relations with Lewinsky. Clinton was impeached by the House of Representatives over the matter, but acquitted in the Senate. Clinton in 1998 settled the suit for $850,000, with no apology or admission of guilt. All but $200,000 was directed to pay legal fees.

Juanita Broaddrick — The nursing home administrator emerged after the impeachment trial to allege that 21 years earlier Clinton had raped her. Through an attorney, Clinton denied the claim, and there were inconsistencies in her story. However, several of her friends backed her claim. No charges were ever brought. (Here’s a link to the Dateline NBC interview with her in 1999.)

Kathleen Willey — The former White House aide said Clinton groped her in his office in 1993, on the same day when her husband, facing embezzlement charges, died in an apparent suicide. (During a deposition in the Paula Jones matter, Willey initially said she had no recollection about whether Clinton kissed her and insisted he did not fondle her.) Clinton denied he assaulted her an independent prosecutor concluded “there is insufficient evidence to prove to a jury beyond a reasonable doubt that President Clinton’s testimony regarding Kathleen Willey was false.”


Travelgate

Former White House travel office director Billy Dale, second from right, listens during congressional hearings along with former travel office employees Ralph Maughn, John McSweeney and Barnaby Brasseux on Capitol Hill on Jan. 24, 1996. (Photo: Paul J. Richards, AFP)

The firing of the career travel office employees was the first ethics scandal of the Clinton era. In May 1993, seven employees were fired as financial misdealings were exposed by an FBI investigation and independent audit. Critics contended that an internal White House memo implicated her (Hillary) as the driver of the firings and so the Clintons could outsource the work to their friends at a Little Rock travel firm. Clinton maintained she played no role.

After heavy public pressure, the Clintons reinstated most of the employees. Independent Counsel Robert Ray, in his final report, said that while some of Hillary Clinton’s statements were factually false, there was insufficient evidence they were made knowingly. In her 2003 book, Living History, she said "It was a disastrously inauspicious first date with the White House press. I'm not sure I've ever learned so much so fast about the consequences of saying or doing anything before knowing exactly what's going on."