Notícia

Desconstruindo a história: U-boats

Desconstruindo a história: U-boats


Conteúdo

Zeus Leonardo define a brancura como "um discurso racial, enquanto a categoria‘ brancos ’representa uma identidade socialmente construída, geralmente baseada na cor da pele". [10] Steve Garner observa que "brancura não tem significado consensual estável" e que "os significados atribuídos a 'raça' são sempre específicos de tempo e lugar, parte de cada regime racial nacional". [11]

Pode-se dizer que os estudos sobre a brancura como uma identidade única começaram entre os negros, que precisavam entender a brancura para sobreviver, particularmente em sociedades escravistas como as colônias americanas e os Estados Unidos. [12] [13] [14] Um tema importante nesta literatura é, além da "invisibilidade" geral dos negros para os brancos, a relutância dos brancos em considerar que os negros os estudam antropologicamente. [12] O autor americano James Weldon Johnson escreveu em seu romance de 1912 A autobiografia de um ex-homem de cor que “os negros deste país conhecem e entendem os brancos melhor do que os brancos os conhecem e entendem”. [15] [16] O autor James Baldwin escreveu e falou extensivamente sobre a brancura, definindo-a como um problema social central e insistindo que era uma escolha, não uma identidade biológica. [17] [18] Em The Fire Next Time (1963), um livro de não ficção sobre relações raciais nos Estados Unidos, Baldwin sugere que

"Os brancos neste país terão o suficiente para aprender como aceitar e amar a si mesmos e uns aos outros, e quando eles conseguirem isso - o que não será amanhã e pode muito bem ser nunca - o problema do negro não existirá mais , pois não será mais necessário. " [19]

Uma importante teoria negra da brancura conecta esse grupo de identidade com atos de terrorismo - ou seja, escravidão, estupro, tortura e linchamento - contra negros, que foram tratados como subumanos. [20]

Acadêmicos brancos nos Estados Unidos e no Reino Unido (UK) começaram a estudar a brancura já em 1983, criando uma disciplina chamada "estudos de brancura". [21] As "guerras canônicas" do final dos anos 1980 e 1990, um termo que se refere à controvérsia política sobre a centralidade dos autores e perspectivas brancas na cultura dos Estados Unidos, levou o estudioso Shelley Fisher Fishkin a perguntar "como a construção imaginativa de ' a brancura "moldou a literatura e a história americanas". [22]: 430 O campo desenvolveu um grande corpo de trabalho durante o início de 1990, que, de acordo com Fishkin, se estende pelas disciplinas de "crítica literária, história, estudos culturais, sociologia, antropologia, cultura popular, estudos da comunicação, história da música , história da arte, história da dança, estudos de humor, filosofia, linguística e folclore ". [22]

Em 2004, de acordo com The Washington Post, pelo menos 30 instituições nos Estados Unidos, incluindo a Princeton University, a University of California em Los Angeles, a University of New Mexico e a University of Massachusetts Amherst, oferecem, ou têm oferecido, cursos em estudos de brancura. Os estudos da branquidade muitas vezes se sobrepõem à teoria pós-colonial, ao estudo do orientalismo e à educação anti-racista.

Uma contribuição para os Estudos Brancos é a obra de Rich Benjamin Searching for Whitopia: Uma improvável viagem ao coração da América branca. O livro examina as crenças sociais brancas e a ansiedade branca nos Estados Unidos contemporâneos, no contexto de uma enorme mudança demográfica, cultural e social. O livro explica como o privilégio e a segregação dos brancos podem florescer, mesmo na ausência de animus racial explícito. [23]

Outra contribuição para os estudos de brancura é o trabalho de Gloria Wekker White Innocence: Paradoxes of Colonialism and Race, que discute a imutabilidade e fluidez da identidade branca e sua relação com a inocência no contexto da Holanda pós-colonial na primeira década do século XXI. Na análise de Wekker, o processo de separação do holandês de "outro" é facilitado pelo tom de pele e práticas religiosas não cristãs. Segundo Wekker, o processo de racialização está reservado a grupos de imigrantes de meados ao final do século XX (muçulmanos, surinameses negros, antilhanos negros), como forma de delinear grupos fora das “normas” imutáveis ​​construídas pela sociedade holandesa. [24]

Brancura

Os estudos de branquidade baseiam-se em pesquisas sobre a definição de raça, originadas nos Estados Unidos, mas aplicadas à estratificação racial em todo o mundo. Esta pesquisa enfatiza a construção social historicamente recente da identidade branca. Conforme afirmado por W. E. B. Du Bois em 1920: "A descoberta de uma brancura pessoal entre os povos do mundo é uma coisa muito moderna - uma questão dos séculos XIX e XX, na verdade." [25] A disciplina examina como as identidades branca, nativa e africana / negra emergiram em interação com as instituições da escravidão, assentamento colonial, cidadania e trabalho industrial. Estudiosos como Winthrop Jordan [26] traçaram a evolução da linha legalmente definida entre "negros" e "brancos" até os esforços do governo colonial para prevenir revoltas raciais entre trabalhadores não pagos.

Nell Irvin Painter, professora de Princeton, em seu livro de 2010 A História dos Brancos, [27] diz que a ideia de brancura não é apenas uma questão de biologia, mas também inclui "conceitos de trabalho, gênero, classe e imagens de beleza pessoal". (P. Xi) As primeiras sociedades europeias, incluindo os gregos e romanos, não tinha conceito de raça e classificava as pessoas por etnia e classe social, com a classe mais baixa sendo os escravos, a maioria dos quais eram de origem europeia. (p. xi) A ciência racial, desenvolvida na Europa em 1800, incluiu análises intensas de diferentes grupos dos europeus, que foram classificados como pertencentes a três ou quatro raças diferentes, com a mais admirável sendo do norte da Europa. (pp. 215-6) Desde os primeiros dias dos Estados Unidos, a brancura era um critério para a cidadania plena e aceitação na sociedade. A definição americana de brancura evoluiu ao longo do tempo, inicialmente grupos como judeus e europeus do sul não eram considerados brancos, mas como a cor da pele se tornou o critério principal, eles foram gradualmente aceitos. Painter argumenta que no século 21 a definição de brancura - ou mais precisamente a definição de "não negritude" - continuou a se expandir, de modo que agora "A pele escura que por acaso é rica. E a luz da pele de qualquer (raça fundo) que são bonitas, agora estão no caminho certo para a inclusão. "(pp. 389–90.)

O acadêmico Joseph Pugliese está entre os escritores que aplicaram os estudos de brancura a um contexto australiano, discutindo as maneiras como os aborígenes australianos foram marginalizados na esteira da colonização europeia da Austrália, quando a brancura passou a ser definida como central para a identidade australiana, diminuindo a identidade aborígine em o processo. [28] [29] Pugliese discute a política da Austrália Branca do século 20 como uma tentativa consciente de preservar a "pureza" da brancura na sociedade australiana. [30] [31] Da mesma forma, Stefanie Affeldt considera a branquidade "um conceito ainda não totalmente desenvolvido na época em que os primeiros condenados e colonos chegaram a" [32] que, como relação social, teve que ser negociada e impulsionada em particular pelo movimento trabalhista. Eventualmente, com a Federação da Austrália, "[superando] diferenças sociais, a participação compartilhada na 'raça branca' foi o catalisador para a consolidação das colônias australianas como a Comunidade da Austrália". [33]

Folga branca

Reação branca ou raiva branca em associação com ou como consequência da brancura é uma área de investigação nos estudos de brancura. O sociólogo Matthew Hughey descreveu este exame da reação de base racial dentro de seu contexto histórico "Outra abordagem para o estudo da brancura centra-se na" reação "branca contra os avanços nascidos do movimento pelos direitos civis." [34]

A cientista política Danielle Allen analisou a intersecção da branquidade com as mudanças demográficas norte-americanas, afirmando como elas podem "provocar resistência daqueles cujo bem-estar, status e autoestima estão ligados a privilégios históricos da 'branquitude'". [35] Discutindo o método desta resistência, Veronica Strong-Boag co-editado Repensando o Canadá: a promessa da história das mulheres explora como a reação dos brancos no Canadá tenta enquadrar a defesa dos interesses dos brancos como uma "defesa da identidade nacional", em vez de um reconhecimento da ação política da branquitude. [36]

O acadêmico George Yancy explorou a resposta da sociedade à perda percebida de privilégio racial em seu livro de 2018 Folga como as reações derivadas da brancura flutuam entre o conceito de fragilidade branca de Robin DiAngelo versus as reações adversas mais extremas ao longo da história. [37]

Educação branca

O estudo da educação branca e sua intersecção com a branquitude é uma área contínua de pesquisa nos estudos da branquitude. A investigação acadêmica tem criticado a educação derivada de brancos como algo inevitável para o benefício, organização e orientação para os brancos. [38] [39] Horace Mann Bond foi um dos primeiros estudiosos a identificar preconceitos e privilégios operando em sistemas educacionais brancos. Bond criticou as sugestões que os afro-americanos não eram inteligentes o suficiente para participar das mesmas escolas que os americanos brancos e fez campanha contra os pedidos de testes de alfabetização para o sufrágio. Ele desafiou o Manifesto do Sul e identificou o preconceito para financiar a educação branca, ao invés do financiamento universal, mesmo dentro do movimento reformista por escolas não segregadas. [40]

A branquitude e o privilégio continuaram na educação dos Estados Unidos depois que as versões de Jim Crow da ideologia segregacionista perderam sua legitimidade devido a falhas legais e políticas. [41] Os discursos de privacidade e individualismo mascaram o medo branco e as novas formas de exclusão na educação contemporânea de acordo com o estudioso Charles R. Lawrence III. [42]

Identidade branca

Analisar a brancura para forjar novos entendimentos da identidade branca tem sido um campo de exploração para acadêmicos desde as publicações que fundaram amplamente os estudos modernos de brancura em meados da década de 1990. Ao explorar as obras de Ruth Frankenberg e seu uso intercambiável dos dois conceitos, a separação foi examinada por estudiosos que tentaram "separar-se um do outro" intelectualmente. [43]

O sociólogo Howard Winant, favorecendo um estudo desconstrucionista (em vez de abolicionista) da brancura, sugere que essa metodologia pode ajudar a redefinir e reorientar a compreensão da identidade branca. [44] No exame biológico, os estudos de brancura procuraram expor como "a identidade branca não é pura nem imutável - que sua genealogia é mista", a fim de desenterrar preconceitos dentro da identidade racial branca. [45]

Privilégio branco

Em 1965, com base em ideias de Du Bois e inspirado pelo Movimento dos Direitos Civis, Theodore W. Allen começou uma análise de 40 anos do "privilégio da pele branca", privilégio da "raça branca" e privilégio "branco". Em um artigo que ele redigiu para um "Comitê de Comemoração John Brown", ele pediu que "os americanos brancos que querem o governo do povo" e "pelo povo" "comecem por" primeiro repudiar seus privilégios de pele branca ". [46] [47] [48] De 1967 a 1969, várias versões do panfleto "White Blindspot", contendo peças de Allen e Noel Ignatin (Noel Ignatiev), focaram na luta contra o "privilégio da pele branca" e influenciaram significativamente os alunos por uma Sociedade Democrática (SDS) e setores da Nova Esquerda. Em 15 de junho de 1969, O jornal New York Times estava relatando que o Escritório Nacional da SDS estava pedindo "uma luta total contra os 'privilégios da pele branca'". [49] [50] [47]

Em 1974-1975, Allen estendeu sua análise de "privilégio branco", opressão racial e controle social para o período colonial com seu inovador Luta de classes e a origem da escravidão racial: a invenção da raça branca. [51] [52] Com pesquisas contínuas, ele desenvolveu suas idéias como seu primeiro volume de dois volumes A invenção da raça branca publicado em 1994 e 1997. [53] [54]

Por quase quarenta anos, Allen ofereceu uma análise histórica detalhada da origem, manutenção e funcionamento do "privilégio da pele branca" e do "privilégio branco" em escritos como: "White Supremacy in US History" (1973) [55] " Luta de classes e a origem da escravidão racial: a invenção da raça branca "(1975) [51]" A invenção da raça branca ", vol. 1: "Racial Oppression and Social Control" (1994, 2012) [53] "The Invention of the White Race", Vol. 2: "The Origin of Racial Oppression in Anglo-America" ​​(1997, 2012) [54] "Summary of the Argument of 'The Invention of the White Race'" Parts 1 [56] and 2 [57] (1998) " In Defense of Affirmative Action in Employment Policy "(1998) [58]" 'Race' and 'Ethnicity': History and the 2000 Census "(1999) [59] and" On Roediger's Wages of Whiteness "(edição revisada)" [ 60]

Em seu trabalho histórico, Allen afirmou que:

  • a "raça branca" foi inventada como uma formação de controle social da classe dominante nas colônias de plantation anglo-americanas do final do século XVII / início do século XVIII (principalmente Virgínia e Maryland)
  • central para este processo foi a burguesia de plantation da classe dominante conferindo privilégios de "raça branca" aos trabalhadores europeu-americanos
  • esses privilégios não eram apenas contra os interesses dos afro-americanos, mas também eram "venenos", "ruinosos", um anzol com isca, aos interesses de classe dos trabalhadores, reforçados pelo "privilégio da pele branca", tem sido o principal retardador do trabalho - consciência de classe nos EUA e
  • a luta por uma mudança social radical deve direcionar os esforços principais para desafiar a supremacia branca e os "privilégios da pele branca". [47]: pp. 10-11, 34 O trabalho de Allen influenciou Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) e setores da "nova esquerda" e abriu caminho para o "privilégio branco", "raça como construção social" e "branquitude estudos". Ele também levantou questões importantes sobre os desenvolvimentos nessas áreas e evitou usar o termo "brancura", usando aspas quando o fez. [56] [47]: pp. 8, 78 n. 187, 80-89

Laura Pulido escreve sobre a relação do privilégio branco com o racismo.

"Privilégio branco [é] uma forma altamente estrutural e espacial de racismo. Sugiro que os processos históricos de suburbanização e descentralização são instâncias de privilégio branco e contribuíram para os padrões contemporâneos de racismo ambiental." [61]

Pulido define o racismo ambiental como "a ideia de que os não brancos são desproporcionalmente expostos à poluição". [61]

Escritores como Peggy McIntosh dizem que vantagens sociais, políticas e culturais são concedidas aos brancos na sociedade global. Ela argumenta que essas vantagens parecem invisíveis para os brancos, mas óbvias para os não brancos. McIntosh argumenta que os brancos utilizam sua brancura, consciente ou inconscientemente, como uma estrutura para classificar as pessoas e compreender suas localizações sociais. Além disso, embora muitos brancos entendam que a brancura está associada a privilégios, eles não reconhecem seu privilégio porque se consideram medianos e não racistas. Essencialmente, a brancura é invisível para os brancos. [62]

"Acho que os brancos são ensinados cuidadosamente a não reconhecer o privilégio branco, assim como os homens são ensinados a não reconhecer o privilégio masculino. Portanto, comecei de forma intocada a perguntar como é ter o privilégio branco. Passei a ver o privilégio branco como um pacote invisível de bens não adquiridos que posso contar com o ganho de cada dia, mas sobre o qual eu deveria permanecer alheio "(188). [62]

McIntosh pede que os americanos reconheçam o privilégio dos brancos para que possam alcançar a igualdade de maneira mais eficaz na sociedade americana. Ela argumenta,

"Para redesenhar os sistemas sociais, precisamos primeiro reconhecer suas dimensões colossais invisíveis. Os silêncios e negações em torno do privilégio são a principal ferramenta política aqui. Eles mantêm o pensamento sobre igualdade ou equidade incompleto, protegendo vantagens imerecidas e domínio conferido ao tornar esses assuntos tabu" (192). [62]

O privilégio dos brancos também está relacionado à culpa dos brancos. Como Shannon Jackson escreve no artigo, "Ruídos brancos: no branco da performance, na performance da escrita"(1998)," A retórica da culpa branca é cansativa, clichê, insincera e em toda parte. E agora que o estereótipo do 'branco culpado' está quase arraigado em sua negatividade como 'o branco racista', as pessoas tentam ativamente se desidentificar de ambos. "[63]

Mudança de branco

Mudança ou declínio racial branco, que foi abreviado para a expressão whiteshift, e sua interseção ou conexão com a brancura, tem sido uma fonte de estudo e pesquisa acadêmica no campo dos estudos da brancura. Em relação ao declínio demográfico dos brancos, o fenômeno foi analisado como produzindo "uma rearticulação formal da brancura como uma categoria social" em relação à política baseada no medo com os EUA. [64] O acadêmico Vron Ware examinou esse elemento baseado no medo na sociologia do ressentimento e sua interseção com a classe e a brancura. Ware analisou como o declínio dos brancos, e seu retrato na mídia britânica, facilitou uma cultura de vítima ou reclamação, particularmente entre as comunidades brancas da classe trabalhadora britânica. [65]

O cientista político Charles King propôs que, no contexto do declínio numérico dos americanos brancos, a brancura é progressivamente revelada como sendo impulsionada pelo poder social, ao invés da biologia. [66]

Estudos críticos de brancura

Um desdobramento da teoria crítica da raça, teóricos da estudos críticos de brancura procuram examinar a construção e as implicações morais da branquitude, a fim de revelar e desconstruir seus vínculos assumidos com o privilégio branco e a supremacia branca. Barbara Applebaum o define como o "campo da bolsa de estudos cujo objetivo é revelar as estruturas invisíveis que produzem e reproduzem a supremacia e o privilégio branco", e "pressupõe uma certa concepção de racismo que está ligada à supremacia branca". [67] Anoop Nayak o descreve como sustentado pela crença de que a brancura é "uma invenção moderna [que] mudou ao longo do tempo e do lugar", "uma norma social e tornou-se acorrentada a um índice de privilégios implícitos", e que "o laços de brancura ainda podem ser quebrados / desconstruídos para o aperfeiçoamento da humanidade ”. [68] Há uma grande sobreposição entre os estudos críticos da brancura e a teoria crítica da raça, como demonstrado pelo foco na construção legal e histórica da identidade branca, e o uso de narrativas (seja discurso jurídico, testemunho ou ficção) como uma ferramenta para expor sistemas de poder racial. [69]

No início do século 21, historiadores da arquitetura publicaram estudos relacionados à construção da brancura no ambiente construído. Estudos têm lidado com a natureza excludente da profissão de arquiteto, que ergueu barreiras para profissionais não brancos, as maneiras como arquitetos e designers empregaram motivos, programas de arte e esquemas de cores que refletiam as aspirações dos europeus-americanos e, mais recentemente, com a racialização do espaço. [70] [ esclarecimento necessário ]

Os escritores David Horowitz e Douglas Murray traçam uma distinção entre os estudos da brancura e outras disciplinas análogas. [71] Escreve Horowitz: "Os estudos dos negros celebram a negritude, os estudos dos chicanos celebram os chicanos, os estudos das mulheres celebram as mulheres e os estudos dos brancos atacam os brancos como maus". [72] Dagmar R. Myslinska, professora adjunta de Direito na Fordham University, argumenta que os estudos de brancura negligenciam a heterogeneidade da experiência dos brancos, seja devido à classe, status de imigrante, [73] ou localização geográfica. [74] Alastair Bonnett argumenta que os estudos da brancura trataram a cultura "branca" como uma "entidade racial" homogênea e estável - por exemplo, Bonnett observa que os pesquisadores da brancura na Grã-Bretanha argumentaram que os britânicos brancos viviam em uma "cultura branca" homogênea (que Bonnett observada nunca foi claramente descrita), com os pesquisadores ignorando completamente a diversidade regional da cultura britânica, apesar de terem ampla oportunidade de estudá-la. [75]

Barbara Kay, colunista do National Post, criticou duramente os estudos sobre a brancura, escrevendo que "aponta para um novo nível de vazio moral e aversão civilizacional" e é um exemplo de "pusilanimidade acadêmica". De acordo com Kay, os estudos sobre a brancura "vão direto ao ponto: é tudo, e apenas, sobre o ódio-próprio dos brancos". [76]

Kay observou as tendências do campo citando Jeff Hitchcock, cofundador e diretor executivo do Centro para o Estudo da Cultura Branca Americana (CSWAC) [77], que declarou em um discurso de 1998:

Não há crime que a brancura não tenha cometido contra os negros. Devemos culpar a brancura pelos padrões contínuos de hoje. que prejudicam e impedem a humanidade de nós dentro dela. Devemos culpar a brancura pelos padrões contínuos hoje que negam os direitos daqueles que estão fora da brancura e que danificam e pervertem a humanidade daqueles de nós dentro dela. [76] [78]

Em relação aos estudos de brancura (WS) de forma mais ampla, Kay escreveu:

WS ensina que se você é branco, você é marcado, literalmente na carne, com evidências de um tipo de pecado original. Você pode tentar mitigar sua maldade, mas não pode erradicá-la. O objetivo do WS é consolidar a consciência racial permanente em todos - eterna vitima para os não-brancos, eterna culpa para os brancos - e foi mais famoso pelo guru-chefe dos WS, Noel Ignatiev, ex-professor da Universidade de Harvard [sic, Ignatiev era um Ph.D. estudante e depois tutor em Harvard, mas nunca professor], agora ensinando no Massachusetts College of Art: "A chave para resolver os problemas sociais de nossa época é abolir a raça branca - em outras palavras, abolir os privilégios de a pele branca. " [76]

Além dessas críticas na mídia de massa, os estudos sobre a brancura tiveram uma recepção mista de acadêmicos de outras áreas. Em 2001, o historiador Eric Arnesen escreveu que "a brancura se tornou uma tela em branco na qual aqueles que afirmam analisá-la podem projetar seus próprios significados" e que o campo "sofre de uma série de falhas metodológicas e conceituais potencialmente fatais". [79] Em primeiro lugar, Arnesen escreve que as teses centrais dos estudos de brancura - que as categorias raciais são construções sociais arbitrárias sem base biológica definida e que alguns americanos brancos se beneficiam da discriminação racista de não-brancos - têm sido senso comum na academia por muitas décadas e dificilmente são tão novos ou controversos quanto os estudiosos dos estudos da brancura parecem acreditar. Além disso, Arnesen acusa os estudiosos dos estudos de brancura de pensamento descuidado de fazer afirmações não apoiadas por suas fontes de exagerar as evidências de apoio e escolher a dedo para negligenciar informações contrárias.

Ele observa que um dado particular quase totalmente ignorado pelos estudiosos da brancura é a religião, que desempenhou um papel proeminente nos conflitos entre várias classes americanas. Ele diz que um tipo de "literalismo de palavra-chave" persiste nos estudos de brancura, onde palavras e frases importantes de fontes primárias são retiradas de seu contexto histórico. A branquidade tem tantas definições diferentes que a palavra "nada menos do que um alvo móvel". [79] Arnesen observa que os estudiosos dos estudos da branquidade estão inteiramente na extrema esquerda do espectro político e sugere que sua aparente vitríola em relação aos americanos brancos se deve em parte ao fato de os trabalhadores brancos não cumprirem as previsões da teoria marxista de que o proletariado superaria a raça, distinções nacionais e de classe para unir e derrubar o capitalismo. Ele cita, como exemplo, o posfácio de David Roediger para o seminal Salários de branquidade, que afirma que o livro foi escrito como uma reação à "extensão terrível em que os trabalhadores brancos do sexo masculino votaram no reaganismo na década de 1980". [79] Arnesen argumenta que, na ausência de evidências de apoio, os estudos sobre a brancura muitas vezes se baseiam em especulações freudianas amadoras sobre os motivos das pessoas brancas: "A psicanálise da brancura aqui difere da 'cura pela fala' do freudismo, em parte por negligenciar o discurso daqueles em estudo. " Sem um estudo mais preciso, Arnesen escreve que "é hora de aposentar a brancura para categorias históricas e ferramentas analíticas mais precisas". [79]

Em 2002, o historiador Peter Kolchin ofereceu uma avaliação mais positiva e declarou que, na melhor das hipóteses, os estudos da brancura têm um "potencial não realizado" e oferecem um meio novo e valioso de estudar a história. [80] Particularmente, ele elogia a bolsa de estudos para o desenvolvimento do conceito da brancura nos Estados Unidos e observa que a definição e as implicações de uma identidade racial branca mudaram ao longo das décadas. Ainda assim, Kolchin descreve uma "sensação persistente de desconforto" com certos aspectos dos estudos de brancura. Não há uma definição consensual de brancura e, portanto, a palavra é usada de maneiras vagas e contraditórias, com alguns estudiosos até deixando o termo indefinido em seus artigos ou ensaios. "[80] Kolchin também se opõe a" um dualismo persistente evidente na obra dos melhores autores de estudos sobre a brancura ", que muitas vezes afirmam que a brancura é uma construção social, ao mesmo tempo que argumentam, paradoxalmente, que a brancura é uma realidade" onipresente e imutável "que existe independentemente da socialização. [80] Kolchin concorda que entrar em um paradigma pós-racial pode ser benéfico para a humanidade, mas ele desafia o tom didático dos estudiosos da brancura que apontam uma identificação racial branca como negativa, enquanto elogiam uma autoidentificação negra ou asiática. Os estudiosos dos estudos da brancura às vezes minam seriamente seus argumentos ao interpretar evidências históricas independentes de seu contexto mais amplo (por exemplo, o exame de Karen Brodkin do anti-semitismo americano em grande parte negligencia suas raízes na Europa ti-semitismo). Finalmente, Kolchin rejeita categoricamente o argumento - comum entre muitos estudiosos da brancura - de que o racismo e a brancura são intrínseca e exclusivamente americanos, e ele expressa preocupação com a "crença no vazio moral da brancura [.] Há uma linha tênue entre dizer que a brancura é mau e dizendo que os brancos são maus. " [80]

Theodore W. Allen, escritor pioneiro sobre "privilégio da pele branca" e "privilégio branco" da década de 1960 até sua morte em 2005, ofereceu uma revisão crítica "On Roediger’s Wages of Whiteness" (edição revisada). [60] Ele pessoalmente colocou "brancura" entre aspas porque evitou usar o termo. Como Allen explicou,

"é um substantivo abstrato, é uma abstração, é um atributo de algumas pessoas, não é o papel que desempenham. E a raça branca é uma coisa real objetiva. Não é antropológica, é uma identidade historicamente desenvolvida de europeus americanos e anglo-americanos e por isso tem de ser tratada. Funciona. nesta nossa história e tem de ser reconhecida como tal ... descartar sob o título de "brancura", parece-me fugir do básico trauma de identidade da raça branca. " [60] [47]: pp. 78 n. 187

Em um debate acadêmico com o pioneiro dos estudos sobre a brancura David Roediger, Eric Kaufmann, um estudioso de demografia política e política de identidade e autor de Whiteshift (que foi criticado por defender políticas de identidade branca [81]), critica o campo como um todo, argumentando:

"Os Estudos Brancos sofrem de uma série de falhas graves que devem nos levar a questionar se esta abordagem pode continuar a avançar as fronteiras do conhecimento na esfera mais ampla dos estudos étnicos e raciais". Essas falhas incluem: 1) um construtivismo que falha em reconhecer os processos cognitivos e sociais que sustentam a 'realidade' social 2) uma ênfase excessiva nas fronteiras étnicas em oposição às narrativas étnicas, exagerando assim o grau de maleabilidade possível na identidade étnica 3) uma crença tácita no excepcionalismo branco, que enfatiza excessivamente o caráter ideológico da brancura e diviniza os brancos 4) uma elisão da etnia e raça dominante e 5) um paroquialismo triplo em termos de lugar, horizonte de tempo e o papel da raça nos estudos étnicos. "[82]

Kaufmann propõe então, como uma abordagem alternativa para o estudo da identidade branca, o conceito emergente de "etnia dominante", usando a definição de "grupo étnico" de Anthony D. Smith como uma "comunidade humana nomeada e imaginada, muitos de cujos membros acreditam em um mito de ancestralidade compartilhada e local de origem. " [82] [83]


Conteúdo

Muitos historiadores culturais atuais afirmam ser uma nova abordagem, mas a história cultural foi mencionada por historiadores do século XIX, como o estudioso suíço de história da Renascença Jacob Burckhardt. [1]

A história cultural se sobrepõe em suas abordagens com os movimentos franceses de histoire des mentalités (Philippe Poirrier, 2004) e a chamada nova história, e nos EUA está intimamente associada ao campo dos estudos americanos. Tal como originalmente concebida e praticada pelo historiador suíço do século XIX Jakob Burckhardt em relação ao Renascimento italiano, a história cultural foi orientada para o estudo de um determinado período histórico em sua totalidade, no que diz respeito não apenas à sua pintura, escultura e arquitetura, mas também para o base econômica que sustenta a sociedade, bem como as instituições sociais de sua vida diária. [2] Ecos da abordagem de Burkhardt no século 20 podem ser vistos na obra de Johan Huizinga O declínio da Idade Média (1919). [3]

Na maioria das vezes, o foco está em fenômenos compartilhados por grupos de não-elite em uma sociedade, tais como: carnaval, festival e rituais públicos, tradições de desempenho de conto, épico e outras formas verbais, evoluções culturais nas relações humanas (ideias, ciências, artes, técnicas) e expressões culturais de movimentos sociais como o nacionalismo. Também examina os principais conceitos históricos como poder, ideologia, classe, cultura, identidade cultural, atitude, raça, percepção e novos métodos históricos como narração do corpo. Muitos estudos consideram adaptações da cultura tradicional aos meios de comunicação de massa (televisão, rádio, jornais, revistas, cartazes, etc.), da impressão ao cinema e, agora, à Internet (cultura do capitalismo). Suas abordagens modernas vêm da história da arte, Annales, escola marxista, micro-história e nova história cultural. [4]

Os marcos teóricos comuns para a história cultural recente incluem: A formulação de Jürgen Habermas da esfera pública em A transformação estrutural da esfera pública burguesa A noção de "descrição densa" de Clifford Geertz (exposta, por exemplo, A Interpretação das Culturas) e a ideia de memória como uma categoria histórico-cultural, conforme discutido em Paul Connerton Como as sociedades se lembram.

Historiografia e a Revolução Francesa Editar

A área onde a história cultural de novo estilo é frequentemente apontada como quase um paradigma é a história "revisionista" da Revolução Francesa, datada em algum lugar desde o ensaio de 1978 de grande influência de François Furet Interpretando a Revolução Francesa. A 'interpretação revisionista' é frequentemente caracterizada como substituindo a supostamente dominante, supostamente marxista, 'interpretação social' que localiza as causas da Revolução na dinâmica de classe. A abordagem revisionista tende a colocar mais ênfase na 'cultura política'. Reading ideas of political culture through Habermas' conception of the public sphere, historians of the Revolution in the past few decades have looked at the role and position of cultural themes such as gender, ritual, and ideology in the context of pre-revolutionary French political culture.

Historians who might be grouped under this umbrella are Roger Chartier, Robert Darnton, Patrice Higonnet, Lynn Hunt, Keith Baker, Joan Landes, Mona Ozouf and Sarah Maza. Of course, these scholars all pursue fairly diverse interests, and perhaps too much emphasis has been placed on the paradigmatic nature of the new history of the French Revolution. Colin Jones, for example, is no stranger to cultural history, Habermas, or Marxism, and has persistently argued that the Marxist interpretation is not dead, but can be revivified after all, Habermas' logic was heavily indebted to a Marxist understanding. Meanwhile, Rebecca Spang has also recently argued that for all its emphasis on difference and newness, the 'revisionist' approach retains the idea of the French Revolution as a watershed in the history of (so-called) modernity, and that the problematic notion of 'modernity' has itself attracted scant attention.

Cultural studies is an academic discipline popular among a diverse group of scholars. It combines political economy, geography, sociology, social theory, literary theory, film/video studies, cultural anthropology, philosophy, and art history/criticism to study cultural phenomena in various societies. Cultural studies researchers often concentrate on how a particular phenomenon relates to matters of ideology, nationality, ethnicity, social class, and/or gender. The term was coined by Richard Hoggart in 1964 when he founded the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies. It has since become strongly associated with Stuart Hall, who succeeded Hoggart as Director.

The BBC has produced and broadcast a number of educational television programmes on different aspects of human cultural history: in 1969 Civilização, in 1973 A Ascensão do Homem, in 1985 The Triumph of the West and in 2012 Andrew Marr's History of the World.


Consulte Mais informação

Capes were part of common attire in medieval Europe. At the time, the material used, style of stitching and colour often depicted rank and social standing, with scarlet normally used for high society. Members of royalty were often seen wearing mantles, a variation of the garment, as a symbol of authority. Capes were also a common part of military uniforms in Europe in the 1900s.

I n the Victorian era, more and more women gradually began wearing capes , and the garment was increasingly seen as a fashion accessory. Designers such as Paul Poiret, Jeanne Lanvin and Madeleine Vionnet reinvented the cape for an elegant evening look, and Hollywood’s leading ladies played their part, too Joan Crawford sported a dazzling red number in the 1937 movie The Bride Wore Red . Meanwhile, former first lady of the US, Jacqueline Kennedy, had a soft spot for the style, and chose a white gown and cape – which she designed in collaboration with Bergdorf Goodman’s Ethan Frankau – as her outfit for John F Kennedy’s inaugural ball in 1961.

The look became so famous, it led to month-long waiting lists

As capes swished into women’s wardrobes, they seemed to disappear from most men’s entirely, and were replaced by overcoats. This is thought to be, in part, due to Bram Stoker’s Drácula . While the book itself only mentions the character wearing a cloak once, it became synonymous with vampires thanks to Bela Lugosi, who portrayed Count Dracula in the 1920’s stage adaptations and the 1931 film. The reason why the cape was needed on stage back then was simply to help the actor disappear through a concealed trap door without detection.

Capes fell out of favour over the years, and Burberry can be credited for bringing them back into the limelight with its autumn / winter 2014 show featuring models wearing printed capes with their initials. The look became so famous, it led to month-long waiting lists and is believed to have reignited an interest in both capes and monograms.

Britain's Prince Harry and Meghan, Duchess of Sussex, at the Mountbatten Festival of Music at the Royal Albert Hall in London. Reuters

This year, runways have been brimming with the trend. Earlier this month, Paris Fashion Week featured plenty of caped looks from Balmain and Givenchy. Even Meghan Markle gave it a nod of approval when she wore a caped red gown by Safiyaa at the Mountbatten Festival of Music on Saturday , followed by a green Emilia Wickstead caped dress at the Commonwealth Service for her final official appearance as a senior royal on Monday.


Post War U-boat events

This compilation is not complete as such and will be updated frequently when we learn of new events in this time-frame. This initial version however should give you a pretty good overview of the post-war events.

21 de outubro. NOAA has reported that U-576 (Heinicke) has been discovered together with her last victim, the motor merchant Bluefields. The wrecks are less than 250 yards apart. U-576 has accordingly been added to our U-boats discovered since their loss page.

27 December. U-20 was dived on and photographed by Mr. Taner Aksoy. See our U 20 in the Black Sea gallery.

7 February. Three boats, U-19, U-20 and U-23, scuttled off the Turkish coast in September 1944 have been located. They are reported to be in excellent condition.

15 September. The Norwegian minesweeper KNM Tyr located the wreck of U-735 at a depth of 195m (640ft) during a routine training mission in Oslofjord (although it has been suggested the navy was asked to look in that specific spot for the boat). The wreck was filmed by an ROV and is in fine shape, apart from some heavy damage to the stern. It lies just off Horten at 59.28,2 N 10.28,7 E.

1 ° Maio. uboat.net was given its current name (formerly U-Web). At the time the site contained 1504 pages of information.

1 April. Two post-war German U-boats of Type 206A (450 tons, 22 man crew) and the escort ship Meersburg left Eckernförde, Germany to cross the Atlantic to take part in the Independence Day festivities at New York City on 4 July. Return was scheduled for 5 August 1997. This was the longest transit by German U-boats since the end of World War II.

21 de setembro. A memorial to the crew of U-250, sunk 30 July 1944, was unveiled at Kronstadt Russian naval base, St. Petersburg.

29 May. U-534 arrived at Birkenhead, across the river Mersey from Liverpool, England for restoration by the Warship Preservation Trust. She was raised from the Kattegat in 1993.

22 July. U-Web - The U-boat War 1939-1945 website, based in Iceland, appeared on the internet. It has since become one of the most successful of all military history websites. It was renamed uboat.net on 1 May 1997.

12 December. The survivors of the sinking of the British destroyer HMS Tynedale by U-593 in 1943 invited ex-commander Kptlt. Gerd Kelbling and one of his former crew to attend a 50th anniversary commemoration of the event in Hexham, England. They were welcomed with friendship and respect.

8 October. Former crew from U-161, U-162 and U-615 attended the dedication of a memorial at Port of Spain, Trinidad for U-boat men killed in action in the Caribbean.

2 October. A large meeting of former Seehund men in Kiel during 2-4 Oct. Among the guests was Admiral Eberhardt Godt.

26 September. Former commander of U-732, Oblt. Claus-Peter Carlsen paid his last respects to those lost, at the position she was sunk at in the Straits of Gibraltar. He cast a bouquet of flowers onto the sea from Royal Navy patrol vessel HMS Hart with the following dedication: "In memory of U-732 and the dead members of her crew. The commander and his crew members who survived." The commander of the British naval base at Gibraltar, HMS Rooke, afterwards told him: "It was the least I could do for you".

29 June. The wreck of U-1105 was discovered in Chesapeake Bay by a team of divers led by Uwe Lovas.

28 November. Guðmundur Helgason, founder of this site, was born in Siglufjörður, in northern Iceland.

27 de setembro. o U-Boot-Ehrenmal (memorial) at Möltenort, Germany reopened. 89 bronze plaques record the names of all 30,003 U-boat men who died in the war.

2 de maio. The last WW2 U-boat still in service, as Spanish submarine S-01 (G-7 until June 15 1961), ex U-573, was decommissioned. Besides her service in the navy, the Spanish admiralty had also loaned her to appear in film productions, most famously as U-47 in the German film of the same name.

21 de maio. The former U-2518 was sold to SPA Lotti at La Spezia, Italy and was broken up later that summer.

17 October. The French submarine Roland Morrilot (formerly U-2518) was stricken from service. She was broken up in 1968 as Q426.

19 September. 5 days after sinking with 19 dead, U-Hai (formerly U-2365) was raised from the bottom of the North Sea in position 55.15N, 04.22E and subsequently scrapped.

14 de setembro. U-2365 when raised in 1956 sank at 1854hrs in the North Sea in position 55.15N, 04.22E, after taking on water. Raised on 19 Sept 1966 from 47 metres depth and broken up.

11 de março. The former U-766 was stricken as the French Q335 and broken up.

20 March. U-1, the first post-war U-boat (Type 201), was commissioned in the Bundesmarine (the Federal German Navy). Her commander was Korvkpt. Heinz Baumann, captain of U-2333 1944-1945.

16 September. The Verband deutscher U-Bootfahrer VdU (Union of former German U-boat men) was founded.

1 de junho. The Norwegian submarine KNM Kinn (ex. U-1202) was transferred to Hamburg, Germany, where she would be broken up in 1963.

1 de setembro. The former U-2540 was commissioned into the Federal German Navy (Bundesmarine) as Wilhelm Bauer (Y-880).

18 August. The former U-123 stricken from French service (then named Q165). Broken up.

22 August. U-843 was raised from the Kattegat after being sunk there in April 1945.

1 October. The former U-2367 was commissioned into the Federal German Navy as U-Hecht (S 171) under Kptlt. Hans-Heinrich Hass, commander of U-2324 1944-1945.

15 August. The former U-2365 was commissioned into the Federal German Navy as U-Hai (S 170). Her commander was Kaptlt. Walter Ehrhardt, commander of U-1016 1944-1945.

15 September. The former German U-boat U-3008, then in American hands, was sold for scrap to Loudes Iron & Metal Co.

1 de dezembro. U-995 was commissioned into the Royal Norwegian Navy as KNM Kaura.

7 de outubro. The former U-2513 was sunk by the USS Owens off Key West. Fla. USA.

1 July. The former U-1202 was taken into service by the Norwegian navy as KNM Kinn.

15 June. The breaking up of the former U-953 in England began, following extensive testing.

9 de novembro. Korvkpt. Karl-Heinz Karl-Heinz Moehle left a German prison after three years in captivity. He was sentenced in 1946 for passing on the Laconia order.

19 September. U-1105 was sunk during explosives trials in the lower Potomac river.

12 May. All U-boats in the Narvik area at the end of the war were moved to Skjomenfjord on 12 May on Allied orders to avoid conflict with the Norwegians. On 15 May, a German convoy of five ships (the fleet tender Grille - previously the Aviso Grille, Adolf Hitler's personal yacht - with the staff of FdU Norwegen aboard, the fleet oiler Kärnten, the repair ship Kamerun and the depot ships Huascaran e Stella Polaris) and 15 U-boats (U-278, U-294, U-295, U-312, U-313, U-318, U-363, U-427, U-481, U-668, U-716, U-968, U-992, U-997 and U-1165) left for transfer to Trondheim, but was intercepted after two days by the 9th Escort Group off the Norwegian coast and officially surrendered. While the ships were allowed to proceed to Trondheim, the U-boats were escorted to Loch Eriboll, Scotland, arriving on 19 May. Later that month all U-boats were transferred to Lisahally or Loch Ryan for Operation Deadlight.

12 May. The breaking up of U-1108 began at Briton Ferry, Wales.

1 April. April 1949: breaking up of U-2348 began at Leigh & Co in Belfast, Northern Ireland.

10 January. U-926 was renamed KNM Kya, and served in the Royal Norwegian Navy until 1964.

18 November. The ex-U-1105 was sunk during explosives trials in Chesapeake Bay, USA. She was later raised.

18 de junho. The former U-3008 was taken out of service by the US Navy.

27 November. U-530 was scuttled north-east of Cape Cod, USA, during a US Navy exercise.

21 de novembro. U-858 was scuttled by the US Navy off New England, USA after being used for torpedo trials.

20 November. U-889 was scuttled by the US Navy off New England after being used for torpedo trials.

20 November. U-234 was scuttled by the US Navy after trials off Cape Cod.

21 de outubro. U-190 was sunk off Nova Scotia by the Royal Canadian Navy on 21 October 1947 as a training exercise called "Operation Scuttled". The site chosen was the position off Halifax where she sank HMCS Esquimalt in 1945, the last Canadian vessel lost to enemy action in WW2.

27 de maio. Former German U-boats U-18 & U-24 were scuttled south of Sevastopol in the Black Sea by torpedoes from Soviet submarine M-120.

6 December. U-2326 was transferred to France and sank in an accident on this date: 17 dead. Raised and broken up.

13 de novembro. U-977 was torpedoed off Massachusetts, USA by the US Navy during exercises.

23 de outubro. The former U-471 left port for the first time in the service of the French navy as Mille after repair.

30 de abril. The ex-U-511, the Japanese RO-500, was scuttled by US Navy at Maizuru.

14 February. The former U-2518 was transferred from the US to the French navy and became the Roland Morillot.

13 February. U-181 (I-501) and U-862 (I-502) were scuttled at Singapore.

12 de fevereiro. The last of the Operation Deadlight boats, U-3514, was scuttled NW of Ireland.

5 February. U-805 and U-1228 were scuttled on the US East coast.

17 October. The trial of Kptlt. Eck and officers of U-852 for their actions after the Peleus sinking started.

4 de setembro. The last German unit surrendered. It was weather station 'Haudegen' (buccaneer) on Spitzbergen (now known as Svalbard), landed there by U-307 on 28 September 1944.

17 August. U-977 surrendered in Argentina on 17 August 1945 after an epic journey from Norway which included 66 days continuously submerged.

15 July. U-862, in Japanese hands since 6 May 1945, was renamed I 502.

15 July. U-181, in Japanese hands since 6 May 1945, was renamed I 501.

15 July. U-219, in Japanese hands since 6 May 1945, was renamed I 505.

15 July. U-195, in Japanese hands since 6 May 1945, was renamed I 506.

10 de julho. U-530 surrendered to the Argentine Navy at Mar del Plata.

3 June. The crew of U-1277 disembarked from the scuttled boat in rubber dinghies, landing on the beach at Angeiras north of Oporto on 3 June 1945. They were then interned by Portuguese authorities in the Castelo de Sao Jose da Foz in Oporto, and a few days later handed over to a British warship in Lisbon. They were not released from POW camp until 1947.

23 May. Großadmiral Karl Dönitz and members of his government were taken into custody by British troops.

14 de maio. 14 May 1945, off Delaware, USA: U-858 became the first German warship to surrender to U.S. forces.

13 de maio. U-889 surrendered and entered harbour at Shelburne, Nova Scotia.

10 May. U-977, in Norwegian waters when Germany surrendered, put ashore those men who did not wish to join the rest of the crew in an arduous voyage to Argentina.


What Happened To The German U-Boats After WWII?

In the April addition of Segunda Guerra Mundial magazine, the table (pg 48) in the article, “Gloves Off,” – if accurate – indicates that at the end of the war the Germans had over 400 serviceable U-boats.

Where did they go? Why didn’t they raise hell with Allied operations in France in 1944?

Dana L. Newcomb
Winchester, VA

By the summer of 1944 Unterseeboot operations were severely limited, not only by attrition to anti-submarine hunter-killer groups at sea and British aircraft sweeping the Bay of Biscay, but by shortages of fuel and trained crewmen. In succeeding months they would further be handicapped by the loss of French ports and the destruction of U-boat pens to Allied aircraft—especially Avro Lancasters dropping Tallboy and Grand Slam bombs. As far as Grossadmiral Karl Dönitz was concerned, the Battle of the Atlantic had been lost back in May 1943.

There were 375 U-boats operational on the morning of May 4, 1945, when Dönitz sent the order to “Stop all hostile action against Allied shipping,” but only 64 were at sea, of which 56 subsequently surrendered in Allied or neutral ports. Some that did not get the word continued to torpedo Allied shipping until May 7, by which time 12 of them had been sunk and 294 crewmen killed. Of those last U-boats a total of 156 surrendered and 129 were scuttled by their own crews.

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Interview with U-Boat Attack Survivor Ray Downs

Ray Downs (shown here, last fall) survived a U-boat attack on a freighter in the Gulf of Mexico.

Bryce Vickmark Photography

David Kindy
Fevereiro de 2019


The SS Heredia (above) went down 40 miles short of its New Orleans destination. (Steamship Historical Society)

RAYMOND DOWNS JR. OF QUINCY, MASSACHUSETTS, was eight years old when, on May 19, 1942, a U-boat torpedoed his ship in the Gulf of Mexico, about 40 miles southwest of New Orleans. He and his father Raymond Sr., mother Ina, and sister Lucille were aboard the freighter SS Heredia, heading home from South America, where Ray Sr. had worked for the United Fruit Company. All four survived, but 36 others perished. Today, Ray, 84, still works every day in the insurance business, as he has for nearly 60 years. With a soft South Texan drawl and friendly manner, he easily recalls that terrible night—chronicled in the 2016 book So Close to Home: A True Story of an American Family’s Fight for Survival during World War II by Michael J. Tougias and Alison O’Leary—though he occasionally chokes up when he thinks about what could have happened.

How did you end up on a freighter in the Gulf of Mexico?

We were in Costa Rica when the war broke out. My dad wanted to get back to the States and join the Marines. We went to Colombia and left on a big gray freighter that was hauling bananas and coffee back to the States. All of our stuff was on there: car, furniture, clothes, and about $20,000 in cash. Isso era muito dinheiro naquela época. My dad had to sign a waiver that if anything happened, United Fruit Company was not liable. We had two staterooms under the main deck. My sister and I had bunk beds. I had the top bunk because I was the youngest. My sister was 11 and she had the bottom bunk.

When did the U-boat strike?

It was on the last night of a seven-day trip. I asked my dad if he could sleep in my cabin and let Lucille sleep with mom. He said sure and got in the bottom bunk. So I went to sleep and I guess I was dreaming. I heard a commotion or something and thought—and I never will forget this—“Gee, we must be bumping against the dock in New Orleans.” Then there was a second, louder explosion and I opened my eyes. It was about 2 a.m. I looked up and my dad is standing right in my face. I looked down on the floor and he is standing in water. He says, “Put on your life jacket and tie it tight. You stay right here. I’m gonna get your mother and your sister.”

We go out of our stateroom and we are walking in water. As we came out, there was a guy there with two flashlights saying, “Don’t come down here. There’s no ship down here.” The water was gushing all around him. We went on the main deck the ship lurched and water washed us all in different directions. I was underwater then, along with most of the ship. I swam over to a steel ladder and had a hard time climbing it because of the angle, but I finally got up. Another passenger, George Conyea, was right behind me. I was on the ship’s top deck the ship’s captain, Erwin Colburn, was already there. I couldn’t understand why it was so bright. By this time, the U-boat had surfaced, but I couldn’t see it because the Germans were shining a searchlight. Our ship went down in ei

ght and a half minutes, so this is all happening very fast. There is water swirling all over, with the top deck just a little above it, and I see someone swimming toward us. It’s my dad!


Downs with his family in 1942. (Courtesy of the Downs Family)

How did you get off the ship?

We found a life raft—just a four-by-four balsa wood frame wrapped in canvas. The captain says, “I can’t swim.” My dad looks at him and says, “Boy, you’re gonna learn really quick.” So my dad put me on the raft, pushed it off the side, and the other three jumped into the water. My dad had me lay down because he thought the sub was going to shoot us. Well, I about drowned. So we paddled like crazy.

What happened in the water?

My dad was bleeding from his legs, so the captain and Conyea tied up his wounds. He was really worried about my mom and sister but tried not to show it. One time, he thought he heard my mom and tried to swim toward the sound, but the captain stopped him. He said it was too dangerous in the dark.

In the afternoon, we had sharks—about six, eight feet long. We had a couple of them that would dive under the raft where our legs were hanging in the water. The sharks would turn over and show their teeth. They just kept circling us. All of a sudden, a school of porpoises came in. The sharks left and the porpoises circled us. Eventually, they left, too.

We had been out there all day and it was starting to get dark again. I’m leaning against my father and—this shows you a kid’s interpretation of things—I say, “Dad, let’s go ashore now. I’m hungry.” He looks at me and says, “Well, we will, but I wanna play a game with you. You see those seagulls? You pick one and let’s see how long he glides before he has to wave his wings to fly.” He took my mind completely off of our problem. I picked another bird. My dad looked and said, “That’s a damn plane!”

It was a PBY, one of those navy planes that lands in the water. The pilot banked and dropped drinking water, balsa wood floats, flares, medical stuff. He radioed nearby shrimp boats. Then it got dark. We kept listening for motors. Finally, we heard one, so we lit a flare and the shrimp boat found us. By then, all of us had been in the water about 20 hours. We went onboard and they were cooking jambalaya! It smelled so good! I never will forget the aroma.

What about your mother and sister?

We were on the shrimp boat steaming along and all of a sudden we stop. The crew tells us they found somebody. I’m looking at who they are hauling out of the water and said, “Dad, I think they found one of those Filipino sailors.” They always wore pea coats and they were kind of dark. My dad looked and said, “That’s your mom!” So we run out there and she was so slick with oil. Just black! They brought her onto this bunk that had white sheets on it, which turned completely black. I looked at her and said, “Oh, Mom, you’re beautiful!” She said, “You need to have your eyes checked.”

No word of your sister?

My mom asked dad if he had heard about Lucille and he said no. The shrimp boat captain said we were gonna have to go back to Morgan City, Louisiana. That’s where they were out of. All of a sudden, we hear this crackling on the radio. It’s another shrimp boat and they asked if Raymond Downs was on the ship. The captain says yes and then we hear, “Tell him we just picked up his daughter.”


Downs with older sister Lucille. (Courtesy of the Downs Family)

What about your possessions?

We lost everything. The best United Fruit Company would do was give my dad a suit of clothes and train fare for the family from New Orleans back to San Antonio. I never heard my mom and dad say they were having difficulty money-wise. We never missed a meal. My mom could have made mud taste good. We recovered and stayed in San Antonio with my uncle and aunt until my dad joined the Coast Guard—the Marines said he was too old. He went to boot camp and we ended up going to Florida, where he was stationed on a PT boat.

Did you suffer any repercussions from the tragedy?

I didn’t, but I think my dad did. Dad didn’t show his feelings an awful lot, but he became more religious. He used to have bad nightmares, too. I have had people ask me if I was afraid to go on a boat. No, it never bothered me. And I don’t think it bothered my sister. Physically, I had scratches and bruises my sister the same. My dad had his cuts, which were pretty serious. But my mom was worse with her eyes because she got oil in them. They thought she was going to lose one. She had eye problems for probably seven or eight months before they healed.

When you look back at your experiences on the Gulf of Mexico, what stands out?

Not a day goes by that I don’t think about it. There were 62 people on the ship, mostly crew along with eight passengers. Only 26 people survived. All four of my family got out of it. Just think about the odds. I’ve always thought that if my dad hadn’t showed up on the top deck when he did, I don’t think I would be here.

And yet you are, with quite a story.

One that sometimes wasn’t believed. When I was a kid back in Texas, the teacher had us write a personal story about an experience. I wrote about this and she gave me an “F.” I asked why and she said, “Because it’s supposed to be a true story.” I said, “But it é true.” She said, “Now you’re lying and that makes it worse.” So I took that “F” to my mom and she went down and talked to that teacher. I got an “A.” ✯


GE’s Universal Series

Model Type Units Built Data de construção Horsepower
U18B1631973-19761,800
U23B4811968-19772,250
U25B4781959-19662,500
U28B14819662,800
U30B2961966-19753,000
U33B1371966-19753,300
U36B1251969-19743,600
U23C2231968-19762,250-2,300
U25C1131963-19652,500
U28C711965-19662,800
U30C6061966-19763,000
U33C3751968-19753,300
U36C2381971-19753,600
U50C401969-19715,000
U50/D261963-19655,000
Santa Fe U36C #8774 and a mate pull a southbound manifest freight past AG tower at Augusta, Kansas during June of 1977. The author notes that the building was razed in the 1980s. Gary Morris photo.

Along with the "B" models, GE offered U-boats in a "C" designation as well, which simply referred to C-C truck versions of three axles each (six in total), instead of B-B version of two axles each (four in total).

Built mostly after the "B" models between roughly the mid-1960s and mid-1970s the C-C versions also did quite well later on although earlier models of the U25C, U28C,and U23C were only marginally successful. 

GE’s success in the locomotive market has come for the very same reasons that EMD was the leader for years high quality locomotives that were very durable and easy to maintain, which was a tremendous cost-savings to railroads. More information about GE’s various U-boat models can be found in the chart above.


Edmund Morris's Dutch: Reconstructing Reagan or Deconstructing History

In a recent interview, Edmund Morris said he knew all along that writing fictional characters into his biography of Ronald Reagan "was going to cause burst blood vessels in academe." On that point, at least, he struck an unvarnished truth. But it's more complicated than that. Dutch: A Memoir of Ronald Reagan has elicited sharp and impassioned criticism from professional historians that also reveals fissures in the historical profession itself.

Professional historians began lambasting Dutch: A Memoir of Ronald Reagan even before its September 30 release. Most have insisted that the book, which is populated by made-up characters and bolstered by fabricated documents, should have been marketed as fiction, not biography. According to John Demos (Yale Univ.)&mdashwho has written on history and narrative form&mdashone of the cardinal rules of unconventional history writing is to "be as clear as possible to your reader about what you're doing." Morris and his publisher, Random House, clearly flouted this rule.

Morris played fast and loose with footnotes. The notes in Dutch refer readers willy-nilly to real archival materials as well as nonexistent documents. For historians, footnotes represent scholarly rigor, hours dedicated to dusty documents, creative links among archives, thoroughness, and depth. False footnotes cheapen the real work of writing history. As Kathryn Kish Sklar (SUNY-Binghamton) pointed out, "Historians work hard to recover evidence about the past. . . . If the rules governing their craft permitted them to invent evidence, then all their labor would be in vain."

Nothing in Dutch reveals Morris's promiscuous mix of fact and fiction. People who read the book's dust jacket or glimpse coverage of it on television, radio, print media, or the Internet will know. But given that libraries often discard dust jackets, "How will readers in 10 years learn about the inventions of the author?" Joyce Appleby (UCLA) asked. "Let's call it biofiction or biofantasy or bioimaginings, but not biography, which has a venerable tradition."

Embora Dutch is deliberately deceptive and undeniably bad history, professional historians also recognize that the book raises basic questions about historical practice. The debates are about the relationship of truth to fantasy, about speculative leaps and our ability to know the past. They are about the nature of historical writing. They are about audiences, ivory towers, and academic historians' often-unrealized desires for more authority, respect, and remuneration.

No one&mdashincluding Morris himself, who says he was inspired to put fictional characters in the manuscript as he stumbled over an acorn on the campus of Eureka College, Reagan's alma mater&mdashwould rank Dutch as a sophisticated contribution to philosophical debates about objectivity and narrative. But the book strikes a chord in a field whose relationship to such debates is ambivalent.

For some historians, the backlash against Morris's blatant fabrications represents a vindication of the empiricist tradition that, they believe, has long defined the discipline. Morris's book has taken speculation in history "beyond the point where it's legitimate," said Joseph Ellis (Mount Holyoke Coll.), who reviewed Dutch para o Washington Post. "Historians remain defenders of traditional principles that there is such a thing as reality," he said. "I'm going to heaven on that."

Few historians would try to claim that reality doesn't exist. Fewer still would defend Morris's decision to publish Dutch with no explanation of his method. Nevertheless, many historians would not reject his method out of hand. According to Demos, who had not read Dutch before he was interviewed, "I'm not opposed to crossing the border into fiction or creating material that can't be documented down to the very last detail." Such tactics, he said, are valid if they enable the historians to "tell the story better." He noted that he had been part of an American Historical Review forum (December 1998) in which three historians and Canadian novelist Margaret Atwood had concurred that the ambiguous border between literature and history was a rich and fruitful domain.

Historians have long been interested in the literary aspects of history writing and the extent to which all history is, at least in part, fictional. Their questions are often inspired by philosophers, literary critics, and some historians&mdashoften loosely identified as postmodernists&mdashwho have argued that historical narratives follow formal conventions of plot and character that, in turn, shape the history they write.

Some historians insist that the distinction between fiction and history is clear, however. According to Ellis, historians operate on "a tether that ties your imagination to the evidence." Historians' speculative leaps are bound by the tether&mdashwhich represents the ineffable yet crucial standards of the profession&mdashwhile novelists are free to fly as far as their imaginations will allow. Robert Rosenstone (Caltech) does not dismiss the existence of "verifiable data points," but he emphasizes the process through which historians transform evidence into history: "History is not a collection of details. It is an argument about what the details mean. The moment you start connecting facts into a meaningful story, you are indulging in certain forms of fiction."

Is this the top of a slippery slope toward relativism? Does it suggest that all stories are as true as Morris's claim that he was born in Illinois in 1912, not in Kenya in 1940? Demos, for one, thinks history and fiction exist on "a spectrum with all sorts of intermediate positions."

Morris's "memoir" of Reagan touches another raw nerve associated with postmodernism. What are historians supposed to do about their subjective relationship to their sources? Annelise Orleck (Dartmouth Coll.) said postmodernist theories have generated a "healthy cynicism toward the idea that history can be strictly empirical." They have convincingly demonstrated that historians' own identities&mdashtheir age, race, class, sex, or position in the profession&mdashinfluence "the so-called facts we choose to incorporate and the speculative leaps we choose to make." Yet, Orleck said, historical writing that foregrounds the historian's subjective experiences can also be self-indulgent and distracting for readers. She said she has yet to discover a satisfying way to put herself directly in the texts she writes.

Finding a way to represent historians' relationships to their subjects may be especially challenging for those who write in the venerable tradition of biography. Biographers develop intimate relationships with their subjects, even those who are long dead. Rosenstone said he wrote himself into Mirror in the Shrine, his biographical study of American encounters with Meiji Japan, because "it seemed the only way of distancing myself was admitting that I was implicated." Once he had given himself a bit part as the historian creating the work, he said, the book could go forward.

Others believe that the biographer has absolutely no place in the story. Biographers' reflections on their experiences belong in introductions and conclusions of books and in separate articles. As Warren Goldstein (Univ. of Hartford) put it, "The Making of the English Working Class is not about the life and times of E. P. Thompson."

Sklar, author of two biographies, said this is more than a matter of personal taste biographers must manage their psychological relationships to their subjects. "Part of historians' skills lies in repressing their own egos and letting the evidence lead them&mdashoften to places where they might not otherwise have known to go," she said.

In addition to putting evidence before ego, professional historians also tend to pride themselves on writing clear prose and telling good stories. They often contrast their writing to the "jargon" of their peers in other scholarly fields and maintain that historical writing should be widely accessible. But despite their populist aspirations, most professional historians write largely for their academic colleagues.

In this context, many historians find Dutch especially insulting. Lynn Hunt (UCLA) called it a "cheap trick." Referring to the hefty advance Morris received from Random House, Blanche Wiesen Cook (CUNY) called the book an "awesome 3 million dollar fraud" whose "bold racism" should not have passed muster with an esteemed publisher. The book makes reference to African American youths "lounging menacingly" and GIs "returning stateside from French whorehouses" who "furtively ogled your wife." Cook said Morris's stereotyped representations of African American men cast doubt not just on his skills as a historian, but also on his publisher's ability to balance integrity with the profit motive.

In the face of Morris's audacity, professional historians devoted to archival research and scholarly standards&mdashbut also desirous of finding extra-academic audiences&mdashstand to look even duller. As Sklar said, Morris's representation of Dutch as history puts principled historians "at an even greater competitive disadvantage" in reaching a "wider public."

It doesn't take a book like Dutch to provoke historians to consider this audience or experiment with new and more popular forms of writing. Orleck notes that professional historians have begun writing histories of movements or institutions in which they were personally involved. She sees this as a "potentially powerful new genre" that might help get history "out of a ghetto of perceived irrelevance." "I'm all in favor of new ways to refresh historical writing," she said, emphasizing, however, that she doesn't favor genres that involve making things up.

Goldstein, who reviewed Dutch no Chronicle of Higher Education, argued that historians themselves have inadvertently fueled the Morris phenomenon by ceding ground to pundits and popular culture. "The more we hide in only scholarly publications, the more we contribute to how badly the culture at large understands the practice of history," he said. Goldstein said it is incumbent upon historians to explain their work to a broad audience and to show how history is "urgent to public intellectual life."

Pointing out that our society is saturated with history, represented in films, museums, journalism, fiction, and television, Rosenstone said it's counterproductive to maintain "that there is only one mode or series of procedures for evoking the past and making it meaningful." Rather than dismiss or malign popular representations of history, he believes historians should acknowledge and engage with "the larger world of making meaning and interpreting the past" that exists outside the discipline.

Dutch may also be emblematic of the formidable challenge of understanding Reagan's presidency as history. With tongues in cheeks, many commentators have pointed out that the book is an apt tribute to a Hollywood president notorious for mingling fantasy and reality. Some historians see no irony here, however. Cook condemned Morris for treating politics in "the most simplistic or imaginary ways" instead of dealing with questions crucial to Reagan's political legacy such as the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rightward trend in U.S. politics. She attributed Morris's personalistic vision of the former president to Morris's own "unwillingness to contemplate the human costs of political decisions."

Reagan is "looming as one of the most significant statesmen of the 20th century," Ellis said. Morris's decision to portray Reagan as a cipher rather than take him seriously as a political leader is a disservice to readers. When all is said and done, Ellis lamented, Dutch cannot help us understand the power of Reagan's ideas or the ways he "spoke to some of the deepest impulses in American political culture."

Kate Masur is a PhD candidate at the University of Michigan and is currently a staff assistant to the AHA's Research Division.


Deconstructing History: U-Boats - HISTORY

It was the deadliest workplace accident in New York City’s history.

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