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Revisão: Volume 48 - Mundo Medieval

Revisão: Volume 48 - Mundo Medieval


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Em 1917, uma organização notável surgiu. Seu briefing era muito ambicioso: comemorar os 1.100.000 homens do Império Britânico que perderam suas vidas na Primeira Guerra Mundial. A Imperial War Graves Commission foi criação de um homem, Sir Fabian Ware, cuja energia e determinação reuniu alguns dos maiores designers e arquitetos do início do século XX. Este livro analisa a história dos túmulos de guerra para militares e mulheres britânicos e da Commonwealth e examina como a memória moderna foi moldada pelo trabalho de Ware e seus contemporâneos após a Primeira Guerra Mundial.

Às 3h10 de 7 de junho de 1917, a escuridão da madrugada na Frente Ocidental foi destruída pelos 'pilares de fogo' - a rápida detonação de 19 enormes minas, secretadas em túneis sob as linhas alemãs e contendo 450 toneladas de explosivos. Reconhecida pelos alemães como um 'golpe de mestre', as explosões devastadoras fizeram com que 10.000 soldados fossem posteriormente declarados simplesmente como 'desaparecidos'. Lançando um ataque pré-planejado à carnificina, apoiado por tanques e uma devastadora barragem de artilharia, os britânicos alcançaram o objetivo estratégico de Messines Ridge em poucas horas. Um raro exemplo de inovação e sucesso na Primeira Guerra Mundial, este livro é um exame novo e oportuno de uma campanha fascinante.


A Child & # 039s Geography Vol. 4: Explore reinos medievais

Imagine seguir os passos de grandes líderes e influenciadores do mundo medieval. Carlos Magno, Fernando e Isabel, Joana d'Arc, Johannes Gutenberg, Martinho Lutero. Leia suas provisões e viva a aventura de enviar exploradores a mares desconhecidos, a empolgação de inventar a imprensa e a ansiedade de iniciar uma tempestade religiosa. À medida que exploramos Reinos Medievais, você e sua família se deliciarão com paisagens de tirar o fôlego, maravilhas ocultas e pessoas bonitas - tudo criado à imagem de Deus.


Conteúdo

O trabalho foi planejado por John Bagnell Bury, Professor Regius de História Moderna da Universidade de Cambridge, ao longo de linhas desenvolvidas por seu predecessor, Lord Acton, para A História Moderna de Cambridge. Os primeiros editores indicados foram Henry Melvill Gwatkin, Mary Bateson e G.T. Lapsley. James Pounder Whitney substituiu Mary Bateson após sua morte em 1906. Quando G.T. Lapsley aposentou-se devido a problemas de saúde, seu lugar não foi preenchido, de modo que os editores dos dois primeiros volumes foram Gwatkin e Whitney. [1]

No prefácio do primeiro volume, os editores expressaram o desejo de que a obra fosse uma leitura interessante para o usuário em geral, bem como "um resumo dos fatos apurados, com indicações (não discussões) de pontos controvertidos". Eles alegaram, "não há nada na língua inglesa que se pareça com o presente trabalho" e escreveram, com otimismo, que "esperavam publicar dois volumes anualmente em sucessão regular". [1] Na verdade, o volume final não foi publicado até 1936.

A história visava abranger toda a história medieval europeia, de modo que os editores fossem obrigados a usar uma ampla gama de colaboradores para tratar adequadamente o assunto. Em particular em relação ao volume 2 (A ascensão dos sarracenos e a fundação do Império Ocidental), os editores reclamaram que "os estudantes de história deste país [Inglaterra] raramente voltam sua atenção para qualquer parte dela" e, portanto, "muito pouco foi escrito em inglês, [sobre assuntos] como os visigodos na Espanha, a organização da Itália Imperial e da África, as invasões sarracenas da Sicília e da Itália, e a história inicial e expansão dos eslavos ". [2]

Os volumes um e dois foram publicados em 1911 e 1913, mantendo a expectativa dos editores de que a obra percorreria seus volumes em ritmo acelerado.

O volume três, entretanto, foi adiado até 1922 pela Primeira Guerra Mundial, o que tornou a colaboração internacional mais difícil, e depois que estudiosos alemães foram substituídos por britânicos devido a preocupações sobre como o volume seria recebido na Grã-Bretanha. Alguns não foram pagos, pois não haviam assinado nenhum contrato. Uma coleção foi organizada para o grande latinista alemão Max Manitius, que arrecadou £ 10 depois que ele escreveu que a guerra o havia deixado na pobreza. Os contribuintes dos volumes quatro e seis foram afetados de forma semelhante. [3] Escrito no prefácio do volume II de A nova história medieval de Cambridge em 1995, Rosamond McKitterick comentou sobre o "legado infeliz do antigo volume III, quando os princípios da bolsa de estudos foram manchados com inimizades políticas e muitos estudiosos excluídos como autores por causa de sua nacionalidade", uma falha que ela sentiu ter sido eliminada na nova história. [4]

Os editores do volume três foram Gwatkin, Whitney, Joseph Robson Tanner e Charles William Previté-Orton. O volume foi criticado na revisão pela duplicação em sua cobertura de eventos e definições, e uma falha no material de referência cruzada, [5] mas comentaristas posteriores viram isso como a consequência inevitável da estrutura da obra como uma coleção de ensaios acadêmicos elaborados de uma gama de colaboradores internacionais ao longo de 25 anos, interrompidos pela guerra e mudanças de editor, em vez de uma síntese orgânica preparada por um pequeno grupo em um curto período de tempo. [6]

Os volumes quatro a sete (1923-32) foram editados por Tanner, Previté-Orton e Zachary Nugent Brooke (1883-1946) depois que Brooke substituiu Whitney em sua aposentadoria. Depois que Tanner morreu em 1931, o volume oito (1936) foi concluído por Previté-Orton e Brooke.

Em 1966 e 1967, uma nova edição do volume quatro foi publicada em duas partes editadas por Joan Hussey, que incorporou desenvolvimentos no campo dos estudos bizantinos nos quarenta anos desde a publicação do original. [7]


Comentários de março / marte

Laurence Marie, Inventer l’acteur: Émotions et spectacle dans l’Europe des Lumières. Paris: Sorbonne Université Presses, 2019. 477 pp. Figuras, notas, bibliografia e índice. 26,00 € (pb). ISBN 9791023105551.

Resenha de Lauren R. Clay, Vanderbilt University.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 22.

Davide Panagia, Sentimentos de Rancière. Durham, N.C .: Duke University Press, 2018. 142 pp. Notas, bibliografia e índice. $ 89,95 U.S. (hb). ISBN 9-78-0822370130 $ 23,95 US (pb). ISBN 9-78-0822370222.

Resenha de David F. Bell, Emérito, Duke University.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), No. 23.

Linda Goddard, Savage Tales: The Writings of Paul Gauguin. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2019. 208 pp. 74 ilustração colorida e 1 b & ampw, bibliografia, índice, apêndice. $ 40,00 U.S. (hb). ISBN 9-78-0300240597.

Resenha de Dario Gamboni, Professor Emérito, Université de Genève.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), No. 24.

François Zanetti, L'Electricité médicale dans la France des Lumières. Oxford: Fundação Voltaire, 2017. xvii + 265pp. £ 70,00 U.K. (pb). ISBN 978-0-7294-1197-4.

Revisão de Kieran M. Murphy, University of Colorado-Boulder.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 25.

Dan Edelstein, No Espírito dos Direitos. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2018. 326 pp. Notas, bibliografia selecionada e índice. $ 40,00 U.S. (hb). ISBN 9780226588988 $ 29,99 U.S. (pb). ISBN 978-0226794303.

Resenha de Andrew Pendakis, Brock University.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), No. 26.

Noémie Étienne, A restauração das pinturas em Paris, 1750-1815: prática, discurso, materialidade, traduzido por Sharon Grevet com prefácios de Timothy P. Whalen e Mauro Natale e posfácio de Dominique Poulot. Los Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2017. xiv + 302 pp. Ilustrações, notas, dicionário biográfico de restauradores, bibliografia e índice. $ 69,95 U.S. (pb). ISBN 978-1-60606-516-7.

Resenha de David O’Brien, University of Illinois.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 27.

Charlotte Guichard, La griffe du peintre: la valeur de l’art (1730-1820). Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 2018. 355 pp. Figuras, notas, índice de tópicos e índice de nomes. € 31,00 (pb). ISBN 978-2-02-140231-5.

Resenha de Paula Radisich, Whittier College.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 28.

J. Arnold, Debate musical e cultura política na França, 1700-1830. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2017. vi + 232 pp. Ilustrações, tabelas, notas, bibliografia e índice. $ 99,00 U.S. (hb). ISBN 9781783272013.

Resenha de Julia Simon, University of California, Davis.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), No. 29.

Hubert Bonin, Histoire de la Société générale, tomo II, 1890-1914: Une grande banque française. Genebra: Droz, 2019. 1121 pp. Notas, ilustrações, tabelas, bibliografia e índice. € 109,00 (pb). ISBN 978-2-600-05872-8.

Revisão de Carlo Edoardo Altamura, The Graduate Institute, Genebra.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 30.

Douglas W. Leonard, Antropologia, política colonial e o declínio do Império Francês na África. Londres: Bloomsbury Academic, 2020. xi + 235 pp. Figuras, notas, bibliografia e índice. £ 85,00 Reino Unido (hb). ISBN 9781788315203 £ 76,50 Reino Unido (EPUB eb). ISBN 9781786726131 £ 76,50 RU (PDF eb). ISBN 9781786736192.

Resenha de Roy Dilley, University of St Andrews.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 31.

Kathryn Kleppinger e Laura Reeck, eds., Culturas pós-migratórias na França pós-colonial. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2018. x + 288 pp. Ilustrações, notas e índice. $ 130,00 U.S. (hb). ISBN 9781786941138

Revisão de Lucille Toth, Ohio State University.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 32.

Marva Barnett, Amar é agir: Os miseráveis ​​e a visão de Victor Hugo para uma vida de consciência. Chicago: Swan Isle Press, 2020. 213 páginas. $ 30 U.S. (pb). Notas, apêndices e referências. ISBN 9780997228762.

Avaliação de Stéphanie Boulard, Instituto de Tecnologia da Geórgia.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 33.

Christine Mussard, L'Obsession communale: La Calle, un territoire de colonization dans l’Est Algérien, 1884-1957. Aix-en-Provence: Presses universitaires de Provence, 2018. 356 pp. Notas, mapas, gráficos, bibliografia e anexos. Ꞓ27,00. (pb). ISBN 9791032001462.

Resenha de Charlotte Ann Legg, Instituto da Universidade de Londres em Paris.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 34.

Mona L. Siegel, Paz em nossos termos: a batalha global pelos direitos das mulheres após a Primeira Guerra Mundial. Nova York: Columbia University Press, 2020. xiii + 321 pp. Ilustrações, notas e índice. $ 35,00 U.S. (cl). ISBN 978-0-23-119510-2 $ 26,00 U.S. (pb). ISBN 978-0-23-119511-9.

Resenha de Jean Elisabeth Pedersen, Eastman School of Music, University of Rochester.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 35.

François Médicis e Steven Huebner, eds., Ressonância de Debussy. Eastman Studies in Music vol. 150. Rochester, N.Y .: University of Rochester Press, 2018. xiv + 625 pp. Notas, ilustrações, exemplos musicais e biografias de colaboradores. $ 125,00 U.S. (hb). ISBN 9781580465250.

Resenha de Simon Trezise, ​​Trinity College Dublin.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 36.

Patrick Awondo, Le sexe et ses doubles: (Homo) sexualités en postcolonie. Lyon: Edições ENS, 2019. 243 pp. Bibliografia, lista de acrônimos e abreviações e glossário. € 25,00. (pb). ISBN 979-10-362-0097-7 € 14,99. (eb). ISBN 979-10-362-0098-4.

Resenha de Denis M. Provencher, University of Arizona.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), No. 37.

Todd Shepard, Sexo, França e Homens Árabes, 1962-1979. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017. 317 pp. Figuras, bibliografia e índice. $ 50,00 U.S. (cl). ISBN 9780226493275 $ 36,00 EUA (pb). ISBN 9780226790381.

Resenha de Arthur Asseraf, University of Cambridge.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 38.

Resposta de Todd Shepard, Johns Hopkins University.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 39.

Ramzi Rouighi, Inventando os berberes. História e Ideologia no Magreb. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019. 312 pp. Bibliografia e índice. $ 79,95 U.S. (pb). ISBN 9780812251302.

Resenha de Fazia Aïtel, Claremont McKenna College.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 40.

Resposta de Ramzi Rouighi, University of Southern California.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 41.

Natalie Edwards, Multilingual Life Writing by French and Francophone Women: Translingual Selves. Nova York e Londres: Routledge, 2020. viii + 176 pp. Notas, referências e índice. $ 160,00 EUA (hb). ISBN 9780367150327 $ 48,95 U.S. (eb). ISBN 9780429054877.

Resenha de Julia Elsky, Loyola University Chicago.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 42.

Bruce Hayes, Humor hostil na França renascentista. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2020. xiv + 218 pp. Notas, bibliografia e índice. $ 65,00 U.S. (hb). ISBN 9781644531778 $ 32,50 US (pb). ISBN 9781644531785.

Revisão por Lucy Rayfield, University of Oxford.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 43.

Margot Beal, Des champs aux cooking: Histoires de la domesticité en Rhône et Loire (1848-1940). Lyon: Edições ENS, 2019. 235 pp. Notas e bibliografia. € 28,00. (pb). ISBN 9791036201363. € 0,00. (eb). ISBN 9791036201387.

Revisão por Lucy Rayfield, University of Oxford.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 44.

Elizabeth Morrison e Larisa Grollemond, eds., Livro das feras: o bestiário do mundo medieval. Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2019. xiv + 339 pp. Notas, apêndices, referências, créditos de ilustração, índice e inserção de errata. $ 85 U.S. (cl). ISBN 978160606590.

Resenha de Jenny Davis Barnett, The University of Queensland.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 45.

Ève Morisi. Letras maiúsculas: Hugo, Baudelaire, Camus e a Pena de Morte. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2020. xiv + 265 pp. Notas, bibliografia e índice. ISBN 9780810141520 (hb), $ 99,95 ISBN 9780810141513 (pb), $ 34,95.

Resenha de Timothy Raser, University of Georgia.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), No. 46.

Stenner, David. Globalizando o Marrocos: Ativismo Transnacional e o Estado Pós-colonial. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2019. xv + 289 pp. Notas, bibliografia e índice. $ 90,00 U.S. (cl). ISBN 9781503608115 $ 30,00 US (pb). ISBN 9781503608993.

Revisão de Mark Drury, Princeton University.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 47.

Judy Kem, Patologias do amor: a medicina e a questão da mulher na França moderna. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2019. xiv + 287 pp. Ilustrações, tabelas, apêndices, notas, bibliografia e índice. $ 60,00 U.S. (hb). ISBN 978-1-4962-1520-8 $ 60,00 US (eb). ISBN 978-1-4962-1687-8.

Resenha de Dorothea Heitsch, Universidade da Carolina do Norte em Chapel Hill.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 48.

Rosemary Lancaster, Mulheres escrevendo na Riviera Francesa: viajantes e criadores de tendências, 1870-1970. Leiden e Boston: Brill / Rodopi, 2020. xii + 275 pp. Referências, índice, 20 ilustrações coloridas e frontispício. $ 140,00 U.S. (hb). ISBN 9789004428751 $ 140,00 U.S. (eb). ISBN 9789004433922.

Resenha de Melanie Hawthorne, Texas A & ampM University.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 49.

Daniel Chirot, Você Diz Que Quer Uma Revolução? Idealismo radical e suas consequências trágicas. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2020. xii + 171 pp. $ 29,95 U.S. (hb). ISBN 9780691193670.

Resenha de Lloyd Kramer, Universidade da Carolina do Norte, Chapel Hill.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 50.

Charles-François Mathis e Émile-Anne Pépy, Tornando a cidade mais verde: a natureza nas cidades francesas desde o século 17. Traduzido por Moya Jones. Winwick: The White Horse Press, 2020. 332 pp. ISBN 978-1-912186-13-6.

Resenha de Caroline Ford, University of California, Los Angeles.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 51.

Christopher Lloyd, Guy de Maupassant. Londres: Reaktion Books, 2020. 216 pp. Trinta ilustrações. £ 11,99 RU (pb). ISBN 978-1-78914-197-9.

Compte-rendu par Noëlle Benhamou, Université de Picardie Júlio Verne, Amiens (França).
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 52.

Alexander Mikaberidze. As Guerras Napoleônicas: Uma História Global. Nova York: Oxford University Press, 2020. xxiii + 936 pp. Mapas, notas, bibliografia e índice. $ 39,95 U.S. (hb). ISBN 978-0-19-995106-2.

Resenha de Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 53.

Bernard Gauthiez, A produção do espaço urbano, temporalidade e espacialidade: Lyon, 1500-1900. Berlin: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2020. xi + 257 pp. Mapas, tabelas, figuras, notas, bibliografia e índice. $ 68,99 U.S. (hb). ISBN 9783110619638 $ 68,99 US (eb). ISBN 9783110623062.

Resenha de David Garrioch, Monash University.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 54.

Michael Harrigan, Fronteiras da servidão: escravidão nas narrativas do Atlântico francês inicial. Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 2018. xii + 330 pp. Figuras, notas e índice. $ 120,00 U.S. (cl). ISBN 9781526122261.

Resenha de Ashley M. Williard, University of South Carolina.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 55.

William S. Cormack, Patriotas, monarquistas e terroristas nas Índias Ocidentais. A Revolução Francesa na Martinica e Guadalupe 1789-1802. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2019. x +390 pp. Mapas, figuras, notas, bibliografia e índice. $ 54,00 U.S. (cl.). ISBN 9781487503956 $ 54,00
EUA (eb). ISBN 9781487519155.

Resenha de Flavio Eichmann, Universidade de Berna.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), No. 56.

Pierre Journoud, Dien Bien Phu. La fin d'un monde. Paris: Éditions Vendémiaire, 2019. 472 pp. Mapas, notas, bibliografia e índice. € 25,00. (pb). ISBN 978-2-36358-325-3.

Resenha de M. Kathryn Edwards, Tulane University.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), No. 57.

Flavio Eichmann, Krieg und Revolution in der Karibik. Die Kleinen Antillen, 1789-1815. Berlin: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2019. 553 pp. $ 65,99 US (eb). ISBN 9783110608830 $ 65,99 US (hb). ISBN 9783110605853.

Resenha de Jeremy D. Popkin, University of Kentucky.
H-France Review Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 58.

Diana Davis, The Tastemakers: British Dealers and the Anglo-Gallic Interior, 1785-1865. Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2020. xii + 308 pp. Pratos, figuras, notas, bibliografia e índice. $ 65,00 U.S. (hb). ISBN 978-1-60606-641-6.

Avaliação de Conor Lucey, University College Dublin.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 59.

Jeff Kendrick e Katherine S. Maynard, eds., Polêmica e literatura em torno das guerras religiosas francesas. Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Culture 68. Boston e Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2019. ix + 208 pp. Figuras, notas, bibliografia, índice. $ 102,99 U.S. (hb). ISBN
9781501518034 $ 102,99 US (eb). 9781501513510.

Resenha de George Hoffmann, University of Michigan.
Crítica H-France Vol. 21 (março de 2021), nº 60.


O mundo medieval, Том 10

Esta coleção inovadora traz a Idade Média à vida e transmite a distinção deste período diverso e em constante mudança. Trinta e oito estudiosos reúnem um mundo medieval de muitos mundos díspares, de Connacht a Constantinopla e de Tynemouth a Timbuktu.

Este conjunto extraordinário de reconstruções apresenta ao leitor um redesenho vívido do passado medieval, oferecendo novas avaliações das evidências e da escrita histórica moderna.

Os capítulos são ligados tematicamente em quatro seções:

  • identidades
  • crenças, valores sociais e ordem simbólica
  • poder e estruturas de poder
  • elites, organizações e grupos.

Repleto de bolsa de estudos original, The Medieval World é uma leitura essencial para quem estuda história medieval.

Отзывы - Написать отзыв

O mundo medieval

Para ajudar a reconstruir o período medieval para o leitor contemporâneo, Linehan (História e os historiadores da Espanha medieval) e Nelson (O mundo franco, 750-900) alistaram contribuições de 38. Читать весь отзыв


Europa medieval posterior

Esta série trata de todos os aspectos da história, sociedade e cultura europeias desde ca. 1100 a ca. 1600. Adotando uma abordagem pan-europeia, fornece um fórum para bolsa de estudos em uma variedade de tópicos proeminentes no final do período medieval, como história política, econômica e social, bem como história da igreja, história intelectual, história urbana e a história da cultura e da mentalidade.

A série publica monografias, coleções temáticas editadas e edições e traduções originais, e recebe pesquisas interdisciplinares e estudos interculturais ou comparativos. Tem como objetivo promover a paridade geográfica para alcançar uma visão holística da Idade Média tardia europeia, enquanto conecta as diferentes vertentes da vida pan-continental durante este período vibrante da história e constrói uma ponte entre os períodos medieval e o início da modernidade.

Os autores são cordialmente convidados a enviar propostas e / ou manuscritos completos para o editor da série, Professor Douglas Biggs, ou para a editora em Brill, Dra. Kate Hammond.

Brill apóia totalmente a publicação em Acesso Aberto e oferece a opção de publicar sua monografia, volume editado ou capítulo em Acesso Aberto. Nossos serviços de acesso aberto são totalmente compatíveis com os requisitos do financiador. Apoiamos licenças Creative Commons. Para mais informações por favor visite Brill Open ou entre em contato conosco em [email protected]

Nota Biográfica

Douglas L Biggs, Ph.D. (1996) em História, University of Minnesota, é Professor Associado de História na University of Nebraska - Kearney. Ele publicou extensivamente sobre a história política e militar inglesa do final da Idade Média, incluindo a coedição, Henrique IV: O Estabelecimento do Regime, 1399-1406 (Woodbridge, 2003).

Sara M. Butler, Ph.D (2001), Dalhousine University, é o King George III Professor em História Britânica na The Ohio State University. Ela é uma historiadora social do direito que publicou livros e artigos sobre assuntos de violência conjugal, divórcio, suicídio, aborto, anticlericalismo e negligência médica. O livro mais recente dela é Medicina forense e investigação da morte na Europa medieval posterior (Routledge, 2015).

Kelly DeVries, Ph.D. (1987) em Estudos Medievais, Centro de Estudos Medievais, Universidade de Toronto, é Professor de História no Loyola College em Maryland. Ele é o autor de Joana d'Arc: uma história militar (Sutton, 1999), A invasão norueguesa da Inglaterra em 1066 (The Boydell Press, 1999), Guerra de infantaria no início do século XIV: disciplina, tática e tecnologia (The Boydell Press, 1996), e Tecnologia Militar Medieval (Broadview Press, 1992), e numerosos artigos sobre história militar medieval e tecnologia militar.

William Chester Jordan é Dayton-Stockton Professor de História na Universidade de Princeton, onde leciona história medieval. Seus livros incluem Da Servidão à Liberdade: Manumissão nos Senonais do Século XIII (UPP, 1986) Mulheres e crédito em sociedades pré-industriais e em desenvolvimento (UPP, 1993, tradução japonesa 2004) A Grande Fome: Norte da Europa no início do século XIV (PUP, 1996), o vencedor da Medalha Haskins da Academia Medieval da América Europa na Alta Idade Média (Penguin, 2001), e mais recentemente Luta sem fim, medo sem fim: Jacques de Thérines e a liberdade da Igreja na época dos últimos Capetianos (PUP, 2005). O professor Jordan também editou várias enciclopédias para crianças do ensino fundamental, alunos do ensino médio e acadêmicos.

Cynthia Neville possui a cadeira George Munro de História e Economia Política na Dalhousie University em Halifax, Nova Scotia. Ela publicou extensivamente sobre vários aspectos da história jurídica e social das terras da fronteira anglo-escocesa no período 1200-1500 e, mais recentemente, sobre o assunto do senhorio gaélico na Escócia medieval. Ela é autora de vários estudos do tamanho de artigos sobre o impacto das ideias anglo-normandas e europeias na cultura da nobreza gaélica da Escócia nos séculos XII e XIII e também publicou um livro sobre o assunto, intitulado Senhorio nativo na Escócia Medieval: The Earldoms of Strathearn and Lennox, c.1140-1365 (Four Courts Press, 2005). Ela está atualmente trabalhando em um livro que examina mais aspectos da história legal, social e cultural do domínio gaélico escocês nos séculos XII e XIII.

Kathryn L. Reyerson, Ph.D. (1974) em Estudos Medievais, Universidade de Yale, é Professor de História na Universidade de Minnesota. Ela publicou extensivamente sobre história social e econômica medieval, particularmente do Mediterrâneo francês, incluindo A Arte do Negócio. Intermediários de comércio em Montpellier Medieval (Brill, 2002) e Jacques Coeur. Empreendedor e tesoureiro do rei (Pearson Longman, 2004).

Conselho Editorial

Editor chefe
Douglas Biggs (Universidade de Nebraska - Kearney)

Editores
Sara M. Butler (The Ohio State University)
Kelly DeVries (Loyola University Maryland)
William Chester Jordan (Universidade de Princeton)
Cynthia J. Neville (Dalhousie University)
Kathryn L. Reyerson (Universidade de Minnesota)


Opções de acesso

1. Ver, por exemplo, Jones, W. J., The Elizabethan Court of Chancery (Oxford, 1967) .Google Scholar

2. Baker, J. H., An Introduction to English Legal History, 3d ed. (Londres, 1990), 114 .Google Scholar

3. Chrimes, S. B., Uma Introdução à História Administrativa da Inglaterra Medieval, Oxford Studies in Mediaeval History, vol. 7, 3d ed. (Oxford, 1966) .Google Scholar Maxwell-Lyte, HC, Notas históricas sobre o uso do Grande Selo da Inglaterra (Londres, 1926) .Google Scholar Tout, TF, Capítulos na História Administrativa da Inglaterra Medieval: The Wardrobe, the Câmara e os pequenos selos, 6 vols. (Manchester, 1920 - 1933) Google Scholar “The Household of Chancery and Its Disintegration,” em Essays in History Presented to Reginald Lane Poole, ed. Davis, H. W. C. (Oxford, 1927 Google Scholar repr. 1969), 46-85, também em The Collected Papers of Thomas Frederick Tout com uma Memória e Bibliografia, 3 vols. (Manchester, 1932–34), vol. 2, 143–72. Wilkinson, B., “The Chancery”, em English Government at Work, 1327–1336, I, ed. Willard, J. F., Morris, W. A. ​​(Cambridge, Mass., 1940), 162 - 205 Google Scholar A Chancelaria sob Edward III (Manchester, 1929). Todos os aspectos de organização, pessoal e administração mencionados nesta discussão são tratados por pelo menos um desses autores, e a maioria é discutida por todos.

4. Chrimes, História Administrativa, 241–42. O material prosopográfico foi apresentado por Smith, Charles W. em “Some Trends in the English Royal Chancery: 1377–1483,” Medieval Prosopography 6 (1985), 69-94 .Google Scholar

5. A seguinte breve descrição foi tirada de Baker, História Jurídica Inglesa, 114–18.

6. No século XV, os únicos chanceleres não-clericais foram Thomas Beaufort, cavaleiro e mais tarde primeiro conde de Dorset e primeiro duque de Exeter (chanceler de 1410 a 1411) e Richard Neville, conde de Salisbury (chanceler de 1454 a 1455). No século XIV, havia consideravelmente mais chanceleres que não eram clérigos: Robert Bourchier, cavaleiro (chanceler 1340-1341) Robert Parving, cavaleiro (chanceler 1341-43) Robert Sadington, cavaleiro e ex-barão-chefe do Tesouro (chanceler 1343-45 ) Robert Thorpe, cavaleiro e ex-CJCB (chanceler 1371-72) John Knyvet, cavaleiro e ex-CJKB (chanceler 1372-77) Richard Scrope, senhor Scrope de Bolton (1378-80, 1381-82) Michael de la Pole, cavaleiro, primeiro conde de Suffolk (chanceler de 1383 a 1386). No total, porém, esses sete homens ocuparam o cargo por menos de dezesseis anos. No século dezesseis, Thomas More (chanceler de 1529 a 1532) parece ser o primeiro dos que seriam, em geral, titulares do cargo leigos e freqüentemente consuetudinários. Chanceleres episcopais reapareceram durante o breve reinado de Maria. Ver Handbook of British Chronology, 3ª ed. , eds. Fryde, E. B., Greenway, D. E., Porter, S., e Roy, I. (Londres, 1986) .Google Scholar

7. O impacto do caráter do titular sobre o cargo de chanceler pode ser significativo, apesar do crescimento de uma burocracia estável para administrar a chancelaria. Existem muitas obras sobre os bispos-administradores da Idade Média, mas as seguintes podem ser mencionadas como especialmente aplicáveis ​​ao final do período medieval: Margaret E. Avery, “Chancellor John Stafford,” não publicado. artigo (Universidade de Waikato, Nova Zelândia) Campbell, J., The Lives of the Lord Chancellors of England, nova ed. por Mallory, J. A., 12 vols. (Boston, 1874 - 1881) Google Scholar Dunning, RW, "The Households of the Bishops of Bath and Wells in the Later Middle Ages", Proceedings of the Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society 110 (1965 - 1966), 24 - 39 Google Scholar Jacob, EF, "Archbishop John Stafford," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 12 (1962), 1 - 23 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reimpresso em Jacob, EF, Essays in Later Medieval History (Manchester e Nova York, 1968), 35 - 57 Google Scholar Rosenthal, JT, “The Training of an Elite Group: English Bishops in the Fifteenth Century,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, ns, 60, pt. 5 (Filadélfia, 1970) .Google Scholar

8. Baker, História Jurídica Inglesa, 116.

9. Plucknett, T. F. T., A Concise History of the Common Law, 5ª ed. (Londres, 1956), 180 .Google Scholar Palgrave, Francis, Um Ensaio sobre a Autoridade Original do Conselho do Rei (Londres, 1834) .Google Scholar Um dos principais proponentes dessa visão foi J. F. Baldwin. Em seu trabalho de 1913 no Conselho do rei, ele começou seu capítulo sobre a relação entre o Conselho e o chanceler com a declaração de que "Não há nada na história institucional da Inglaterra mais notável do que o desenvolvimento do cargo de chanceler" (O Conselho do Rei na Inglaterra na Idade Média [Oxford, 1913], 236). Ele observou ainda que este notável desenvolvimento foi “uma transformação misteriosa” por meio da qual um escritório puramente administrativo “agarrou” funções judiciais e eventualmente se tornou um grande tribunal. Foi capaz de conseguir isso, Baldwin acreditava, porque no século XIII a Chancelaria não era simplesmente um escritório executivo, mas um ramo do curia regis e desde o seu início tinha "seguido os métodos do curia regis como um corpo de consulta ”(237). Parece haver alguma discrepância entre um ofício que agarra e um corpo que é consultado. A questão não pode ser investigada aqui em detalhes, mas seria interessante determinar se a Chancelaria procurou ativamente expandir suas atividades judiciais, fazendo reivindicações de jurisdição da mesma forma que os tribunais de direito comum fizeram, ou se desenvolveu a partir de pessoas trazendo seus dificuldades para ele na esperança de resolução. A última sugestão parece mais viável e é corroborada pelos achados apresentados na segunda parte deste ensaio. Para Baldwin, essa qualidade consultiva da Chancelaria foi crucial para seu desenvolvimento posterior. O aspecto central para o crescimento da Chancelaria como um tribunal por direito próprio foi, no entanto, o envio ao chanceler das petições dirigidas ao Conselho e ao Parlamento. A história desse processo de encaminhamento, e especialmente da evolução do relacionamento entre o chanceler e o Conselho em questões judiciais, recebeu um tratamento extenso (254–61).

10. Select Cases in Chancery A.D. 1364–1471, ed. Baildon, William P., Publicações da Sociedade Seiden, vol. 10 (1896), xxvi .Google Scholar

11. Baildon acreditava que uma proclamação de 1349 aos xerifes de Londres distinguia questões de graça e questões de direito comum e que este era "um contraste [que] certamente sugere que algo na natureza de alívio equitativo estava na mente do rei." The text on which he based his observation is as follows: “volumus quod quilibet negocia tam communem legem regni nostri Anglie quam graciam nostram specialem concernencia penes nosmetipsos habens exnunc prosequenda, eadem negocia, videlicet, negocia ad communem legem penes venerabilem virum electum Cantuariensem confirmatum Cancellarium nostrum per ipsum expedienda, et alia negocia de gracia nostra concernenda penes eundem Cancellarium seu dilectum clericum nostrum Custodem sigilli nostri privati prosequantur ita quod …” (from Close Roll 22 Edward III, p.2 m.2d) (Ibid., xvii–xviii).

14. Baker, English Legal History, 117.

15. Ibid., 117–18. The closing sentence is nicely adapted from Maitland , F. W. , Equity: A Course of Lectures , 2d ed. , eds. Chaytor , A. H. and Whittaker , W. J. , rev. Branyate , J. ( Cambridge , 1936 ), 17 .Google Scholar Remarking on the twenty-fifth section of the Judicature Act (1873) Maitland argued that despite the provisions of this legislation, which implied conflict between common law and equity, such antagonism was untrue. Noting occasional disagreements, and especially Coke/Ellesmere, he remarked that this debate belonged to the “old days” and that for two centuries before 1875 the two systems had been working together harmoniously: “Equity had come not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it.” As shall be seen, Baker's replacement of equity with the person of the chancellor is of the utmost importance and advances the argument considerably.

16. Baker, English Legal History, 118.

18. See Haskett , T. S. , “The Presentation of Cases in Medieval Chancery Bills,” in Legal History in the Making , Papers Presented to the Ninth British Legal History Conference, University of Glasgow 1989 , eds. Gordon , W. M. and Fergus , T. D. ( London , 1991 ), 11 – 28 .Google Scholar

19. Baker, English Legal History, 119.

21. Avery , Margaret E. , “ The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery before 1460 ,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 42 ( 1969 ), 130 .CrossRefGoogle Scholar Only two other scholars have published work that is based directly upon the records of the court, although the scope and range of their studies is much smaller than Avery's: Pronay , Nicholas , “The Chancellor, the Chancery, and the Council at the End of the Fifteenth Century,” in British Government and Administration: Studies Presented to S. B. Chrimes , eds. Hearder , H. and Loyn , H. R. ( Cardiff , 1974 ), 87 – 103 Google Scholar Metzger , Franz , “The Last Phase of the Medieval Chancery,” in Law-Making and Law-Makers in British History , Papers Presented to the Edinburgh Legal History Conference, 1977, ed. Harding , A. , Royal Historical Society Studies in History, no. 22 ( London , 1980 ), 79 – 89 .Google Scholar Metzger's , unpublished dissertation, “Das Englische Kanzleigericht unter Kardinal Wolsey, 1515–1529,” ( Erlangen Ph.D., 1976 )Google Scholar , presents a statistical analysis of 7,476 Chancery cases from Wolsey's tenure. Guy , J. A. in “ Thomas More as Successor to Wolsey ,” Thought: Fordham University Quarterly 52 ( 1977 ), 275 –94CrossRefGoogle Scholar , provides statistical notes on 1,222 cases from More's time in office.

22. Holdsworth , William S. , A History of English Law , 4th ed. , 16 vols. ( London , 1936 Google Scholar repr. 1966), vol. 2, 346–47. In discussing the second of his three factors he notes that these ideas of conscience were “borrowed from the canon lawyers.”

23. Ibid., 591–92, 596–97. In opposition to Holdsworth's suggestion of new developments in Chancery jurisprudence, G. B. Adams argued forcefully for the idea of the origin and development of equity in king and Council. He posited a continual line of equity through the royal prerogative, beginning with the Council at the Conquest and ending with the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in modern times. From this line branched off three major arenas in which the equity that was still dependent on the prerogative was administered: in the common law courts until the fifteenth century in Chancery and in the court of Star Chamber (Council and Courts in Anglo-Norman England [London and New Haven, 1926], 200–205). For Adams, common law and equity originated together as an undifferentiated system within the king's duty to provide justice and security through his prerogative authority and administration (185). As the common law—itself a method of improving the administration of justice through the use of the prerogative—hardened into a fixed system, the prerogative was sought again to provide needed flexibility from this second stage came the mature equity system (189 n.22).

24. Post , J. B. , “Equitable Resorts before 1450,” in Law, Litigants and the Legal Profession , Papers Presented to the Fourth British Legal History Conference, University of Birmingham 1979 , eds. Ives , E. W. and Manchester , A. H. . Royal Historical Society Studies in History, no. 36 ( London , 1983 ), 68 – 69 .Google Scholar

27. Understanding of such activity has been advanced in one specific area by Rawcliffe , Carole in “The Great Lord as Peacekeeper: Arbitration by English Noblemen and Their Councils in the Later Middle Ages,” in Law and Social Change in British History , Papers Presented to the Bristol Legal History Conference, 1981, eds. Guy , J. A. and Beale , H. G. ( London , 1984 ), 34 – 54 .Google Scholar

28. Post, “Equitable Resorts,” 78.

29. Maitland , F. W. , The Constitutional History of England ( Cambridge , 1908 ), 225 .Google Scholar

32. Maitland, Capital próprio, 5. Baker, after H. Coing and J. L. Barton, notes that the specific model for Chancery process may have been the denunciatio evangelica (English Legal History, 199 n.26) see infra at nn.55–68.

34. Maitland cited George Spence on the side of strong Romanism (The Equitable Jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery, 2 vols. [London, 1846–49 Philadelphia, 1846–50]) and O. W. Holmes opposed to such a notion (“Early English Equity,” in Select Essays in Anglo-American Legal History, 3 vols. [Boston, 1907–9], vol. 2, 705–21).

36. See the Appendix for a brief discussion of the education and experience of the late medieval chancellors.

38. This work is discussed infra at nn.85–98.

39. Vinogradoff , Paul , “ Reason and Conscience in Sixteenth-Century Jurisprudence ,” Law Quarterly Review 24 ( 1908 ), 379 .Google Scholar

41. Vinogradoff , Paul , Roman Law in Medieval Europe ( Oxford , 1929 Google Scholar repr. with a new Foreword by Peter Stein, Cambridge and New York, 1968), 117–18.

42. Vinogradoff, “Reason and Conscience,” 380. Adams, Council and Courts, 212.

43. Others have had a more difficult time acknowledging such influences. Even with his strong emphasis on continuity, Adams recognized that the equity system of the Chancery in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries required some explanation. Stalwart in his conviction of the continuous growth of institutional equity from Anglo-Norman times down to the modern period, he asked whether new doctrines were introduced that changed this body of equity sufficiently to constitute a “new, distinct and independent development,” marking the beginning of what he termed “modem equity” (Council and Courts, 205). He recognized that something new was at work in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and fortified his concept of continuity by taking the position that, if any new doctrine was introduced to justify and guide the equity system of the Chancery, it must have occurred after the line of development of “equity proper” had parted from the line of the development of the Council's jurisdiction. “Equity proper” he took to be the jurisdiction of the chancellor, and it was here that new doctrine, which he called “the rule of reason and conscience,” entered. This rule broadened the old function of securing justice for all, allowing the equity court to insist that faith be kept where common law could not act, to insist that unjust advantage not be taken of ignorance or folly, and to prevent fraud based upon the allowance of mere forms. Adams maintained, however, that conscience was not put forward as a substitute for the prerogative basis of justice, but only as proof that the prerogative had the right to interfere in certain cases (208–10). The prime difficulty with Adams's view, of course, is the definition of the new doctrine. He spoke of it often and once stated that it was “borrowed from without” (213), but his only description was that it was comprised of rules of reason and conscience. In fact, Adams actually used the passage from the work of Vinogradoff, cited at the previous note, suggesting what he perceived to be the source of the new doctrine.

44. Barbour , Willard T. , “ Some Aspects of Fifteenth-Century Chancery ,” Harvard Law Review 31 ( 1917 – 1918 ), 835 .Google Scholar He describes these ecclesiastics as people “who knew little of the common law but a good deal of another system.”

46. O. W. Holmes, for example, made the following statement with respect to the protection of the cestui que use: “As soon as the need for protection was felt, the means of supplying it was at hand. Nothing was easier than for the ecclesiastics who presided in Chancery to carry out there, as secular judges, the principles which their predecessors had striven to enforce in their own tribunals under the rival authority of the Church. As chancellors they were free from those restrictions which confined them as churchmen to suits concerning matrimony and wills” (Select Essays, vol. 2, 715–16). Despite the problematical description of the chancellor as a secular judge, the overly strong emphasis of the Church as a rival authority, and the limitation of ecclesiastical jurisdiction to matrimony and wills, this view at least recognised the ecclesiastical character of the chancellor, his familiarity with another procedure, and the presence of principles of law and equity in the canonical tradition.

47. Marchant , Ronald A. , The Church under the Law. Justice, Administration and Discipline in the Diocese of York, 1560–1640 ( Cambridge , 1969 ), 2 .Google Scholar

50. Expanding Avery's list back to Edmund Stafford and forward to Thomas More extends the survey to match the range of the Early Court of Chancery in England Project , described infra, Part II. The Appendix presents a description of each chancellor.

51. Adams, Council and Courts, is a particularly good example of this approach.

53. Avery , Margaret E. , “ An Evaluation of the Effectiveness of the Court of Chancery under the Lancastrian Kings ,” Law Quarterly Review 86 ( 1970 ), 90 .Google Scholar

54. Not every recent writer is convinced. Post, for instance, believes that the links between canon law and Chancery's equity were tenuous. While he admits that the influence of canonists—both as chancellors and as Chancery clerks—on procedure and judgments “must have been substantial,” analogous to the influence of canonists upon the common-law justices of the thirteenth century, he cautions that “this does not mean that civilian doctrines played any larger part than the general doctrines of the common law in formulating the judgments of the court” (“Equitable Resorts,” 78). But how could it be that merely tenuous links between canon law and the Chancery jurisprudence were the product of canonical influences that were themselves substantial? And how could such links be considered tenuous when these influences, Post admits, could have played as large a part in the development of Chancery's equity as did common-law influences, which he implies were considerable? Post continues that “there is nothing to suggest that litigants resorted to Chancery to get civilian treatment it is far more likely that they sought the natural justice and common sense which at lower levels would have been meted by mediators unversed in either law” (ibid.). To be sure, there is no requirement that those who resorted to the Court of Chancery for redress actively sought civil-law remedies, and Post is quite right that litigants took their cases to the forum wherein they most expected a favorable decision. But that those who went to the court did not understand the complexities of its jurisprudence in no way implies that that jurisprudence was not present. In other words, a litigant's ignorance of civilian or canonical principles does not mean that the chancellor and his staff were also ignorant. The perception of the petitioners, and especially of those assisting them, is far more complex than Post allows (see the analysis of the diplomatic of the Chancery records in Haskett, “The Presentation of Cases in Medieval Chancery Bills”). Although Post has provided new insights into the Court of Chancery by placing it in a larger context of social control through arbitration, he is driven to a difficult conclusion, which itself admits the necessity of canonical and civilian influence. Indeed, in the same book J. A. Guy suggests, describing the development of protection for beneficiaries involved in the provisions of the use, that “It was the chancellor, following after 1450 the example of the ecclesiastical courts, who began the slow but steady progress by which other interests became guaranteed on the ground of conscience” (“The Development of Equitable Jurisdictions, 1450–1550,” in Law, Litigants and the Legal Profession, 80). The topic could be widened to encompass the broad notions of law and justice in late medieval England. Edward Powell has remarked that academic discussion of the nature of law and government was dominated by the thought of St. Thomas Aquinas. Noting that “it is hard to imagine many JPs thumbing through the Summa Theologica after a hard day at the sessions”—something that the scholar-chancellors might well have done—Powell suggests that Thomas's definitions are relevant because they articulated fundamental principles of medieval thought. “The belief that law was of divine origin,” he states, “that it must be in accord with reason, and that justice entailed giving each man his right, were matters of more than academic interest.” Indeed they were, yet more than just Thomas is of concern here. Also, Powell's statement, based for the Chancery on Baildon's selection of cases (see supra, n.10), that “Petitioners invoking the equitable jurisdiction of the king's council or the chancellor habitually requested the remedy demanded by law and reason,” is inaccurate: most often Chancery petitioners appeal to reason and conscience (Kingship, Law and Society. Criminal Justice in the Reign of Henry V [Oxford, 1989], 25–29).

55. Coing , H. , “ English Equity and the Denunciatio Evangelica of the Canon Law ,” Law Quarterly Review 71 ( 1955 ), 225 .Google Scholar Coing remarks that there is a general view that, since most pre-Reformation chancellors were ecclesiastics, there must have been some canon-law influence. He notes that such opinions are always expressed in general terms rather than based on specific aspects of canon law and equity (224).

56. Ibid., 231–32. Further detail strengthens Coing's comparison. Admissability of the remedy in both jurisdictions is to be found either in delectus iustitiae (justice denied because of the plaintiff's weakness or the defendant's power) or through naturalis obligatio (in parol contract). Coing also sees parallels in crimen de sua natura ecclesiasticum (robbery, plundering, wrongful imprisonment), yet concedes that the denunciatio evangelica in such cases duplicated, rather than informed, the English practice, as the kings had long been a source of appeal for such acts of violence (232–33). Substantive rules, too, offer parallels. In general, the enforcement of the duties of reason and conscience is central to both the denunciatio evangelica and Chancery, while neither finds the mere observance of positive law sufficient. Specifically, the denunciatio evangelica draws on the concept of the obligatio naturalis deriving either from consent—whence the enforcement of the nudum pactum, the promise under oath, and the promise given for the benefit of a third person—or from unjust enrichment, that is, the case where “quis locupletatur cum aliena iactura, quia quod alienum est pervenit ad eum” (233–34). The citation is from Bartolus.

57. Coing himself noted that less than 1 percent of the petitions in the Public Record Office had been printed. His estimate was too generous.


Conteúdo

The Islamic era began in 622. Islamic armies conquered Arabia, Egypt and Mesopotamia, eventually displacing the Persian and Byzantine Empires from the region. Within a century, Islam had reached the area of present-day Portugal in the west and Central Asia in the east. The Islamic Golden Age (roughly between 786 and 1258) spanned the period of the Abbasid Caliphate (750–1258), with stable political structures and flourishing trade. Major religious and cultural works of the Islamic empire were translated into Arabic and occasionally Persian. Islamic culture inherited Greek, Indic, Assyrian and Persian influences. A new common civilisation formed, based on Islam. An era of high culture and innovation ensued, with rapid growth in population and cities. The Arab Agricultural Revolution in the countryside brought more crops and improved agricultural technology, especially irrigation. This supported the larger population and enabled culture to flourish. [1] [2] From the 9th century onwards, scholars such as Al-Kindi [3] translated Indian, Assyrian, Sasanian (Persian) and Greek knowledge, including the works of Aristotle, into Arabic. These translations supported advances by scientists across the Islamic world. [4]

Islamic science survived the initial Christian reconquest of Spain, including the fall of Seville in 1248, as work continued in the eastern centres (such as in Persia). After the completion of the Spanish reconquest in 1492, the Islamic world went into an economic and cultural decline. [2] The Abbasid caliphate was followed by the Ottoman Empire (c. 1299–1922), centred in Turkey, and the Safavid Empire (1501–1736), centred in Persia, where work in the arts and sciences continued. [5]

Medieval Islamic scientific achievements encompassed a wide range of subject areas, especially mathematics, astronomy, and medicine. [4] Other subjects of scientific inquiry included physics, alchemy and chemistry, ophthalmology, and geography and cartography. [6]

Alchemy and chemistry Edit

The early Islamic period saw the establishment of theoretical frameworks in alchemy and chemistry. The sulfur-mercury theory of metals, first found in pseudo-Apollonius of Tyana's Sirr al-khalīqa ("The Secret of Creation", c. 750–850) and in the writings attributed to Jabir ibn Hayyan (written c. 850–950), [7] remained the basis of theories of metallic composition until the 18th century. [8] The Emerald Tablet, a cryptic text that all later alchemists up to and including Isaac Newton saw as the foundation of their art, first occurs in the Sirr al-khalīqa and in one of the works attributed to Jabir. [9] In practical chemistry, the works of Jabir, and those of the Persian alchemist and physician Abu Bakr al-Razi (854–925), contain the earliest systematic classifications of chemical substances. [10] Alchemists were also interested in artificially creating such substances. [11] Jabir describes the synthesis of ammonium chloride (sal ammoniac) from organic substances, [12] and Abu Bakr al-Razi experimented with the heating of ammonium chloride, vitriol, and other salts, which would eventually lead to the discovery of the mineral acids by 13th-century Latin alchemists such as pseudo-Geber. [10]

Astronomy and cosmology Edit

Astronomy became a major discipline within Islamic science. Astronomers devoted effort both towards understanding the nature of the cosmos and to practical purposes. One application involved determining the Qibla, the direction to face during prayer. Another was astrology, predicting events affecting human life and selecting suitable times for actions such as going to war or founding a city. [13] Al-Battani (850–922) accurately determined the length of the solar year. He contributed to the Tables of Toledo, used by astronomers to predict the movements of the sun, moon and planets across the sky. Copernicus (1473-1543) later used some of Al-Battani's astronomic tables. [14]

Al-Zarqali (1028–1087) developed a more accurate astrolabe, used for centuries afterwards. He constructed a water clock in Toledo, discovered that the Sun's apogee moves slowly relative to the fixed stars, and obtained a good estimate of its motion [15] for its rate of change. [16] Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (1201–1274) wrote an important revision to Ptolemy's 2nd-century celestial model. When Tusi became Helagu's astrologer, he was given an observatory and gained access to Chinese techniques and observations. He developed trigonometry as a separate field, and compiled the most accurate astronomical tables available up to that time. [17]

Botany and agronomy Edit

The study of the natural world extended to a detailed examination of plants. The work done proved directly useful in the unprecedented growth of pharmacology across the Islamic world. [18] Al-Dinawari (815–896) popularised botany in the Islamic world with his six-volume Kitab al-Nabat (Book of Plants) Only volumes 3 and 5 have survived, with part of volume 6 reconstructed from quoted passages. The surviving text describes 637 plants in alphabetical order from the letters sin para ya, so the whole book must have covered several thousand kinds of plants. Al-Dinawari described the phases of plant growth and the production of flowers and fruit. The thirteenth century encyclopedia compiled by Zakariya al-Qazwini (1203–1283) – ʿAjā'ib al-makhlūqāt (The Wonders of Creation) – contained, among many other topics, both realistic botany and fantastic accounts. For example, he described trees which grew birds on their twigs in place of leaves, but which could only be found in the far-distant British Isles. [19] [18] [20] The use and cultivation of plants was documented in the 11th century by Muhammad bin Ibrāhīm Ibn Bassāl of Toledo in his book Dīwān al-filāha (The Court of Agriculture), and by Ibn al-'Awwam al-Ishbīlī (also called Abū l-Khayr al-Ishbīlī) of Seville in his 12th century book Kitāb al-Filāha (Treatise on Agriculture). Ibn Bassāl had travelled widely across the Islamic world, returning with a detailed knowledge of agronomy that fed into the Arab Agricultural Revolution. His practical and systematic book describes over 180 plants and how to propagate and care for them. It covered leaf- and root-vegetables, herbs, spices and trees. [21]

Geography and cartography Edit

The spread of Islam across Western Asia and North Africa encouraged an unprecedented growth in trade and travel by land and sea as far away as Southeast Asia, China, much of Africa, Scandinavia and even Iceland. Geographers worked to compile increasingly accurate maps of the known world, starting from many existing but fragmentary sources. [22] Abu Zayd al-Balkhi (850–934), founder of the Balkhī school of cartography in Baghdad, wrote an atlas called Figures of the Regions (Suwar al-aqalim). [23] Al-Biruni (973–1048) measured the radius of the earth using a new method. It involved observing the height of a mountain at Nandana (now in Pakistan). [24] Al-Idrisi (1100–1166) drew a map of the world for Roger, the Norman King of Sicily (ruled 1105-1154). He also wrote the Tabula Rogeriana (Book of Roger), a geographic study of the peoples, climates, resources and industries of the whole of the world known at that time. [25] The Ottoman admiral Piri Reis (c. 1470–1553) made a map of the New World and West Africa in 1513. He made use of maps from Greece, Portugal, Muslim sources, and perhaps one made by Christopher Columbus. He represented a part of a major tradition of Ottoman cartography. [26]

Modern copy of al-Idrisi's 1154 Tabula Rogeriana, upside-down, north at top

Mathematics Edit

Islamic mathematicians gathered, organised and clarified the mathematics they inherited from ancient Egypt, Greece, India, Mesopotamia and Persia, and went on to make innovations of their own. Islamic mathematics covered algebra, geometry and arithmetic. Algebra was mainly used for recreation: it had few practical applications at that time. Geometry was studied at different levels. Some texts contain practical geometrical rules for surveying and for measuring figures. Theoretical geometry was a necessary prerequisite for understanding astronomy and optics, and it required years of concentrated work. Early in the Abbasid caliphate (founded 750), soon after the foundation of Baghdad in 762, some mathematical knowledge was assimilated by al-Mansur's group of scientists from the pre-Islamic Persian tradition in astronomy. Astronomers from India were invited to the court of the caliph in the late eighth century they explained the rudimentary trigonometrical techniques used in Indian astronomy. Ancient Greek works such as Ptolemy's Almagest and Euclid's Elementos were translated into Arabic. By the second half of the ninth century, Islamic mathematicians were already making contributions to the most sophisticated parts of Greek geometry. Islamic mathematics reached its apogee in the Eastern part of the Islamic world between the tenth and twelfth centuries. Most medieval Islamic mathematicians wrote in Arabic, others in Persian. [27] [28] [29]

Al-Khwarizmi (8th–9th centuries) was instrumental in the adoption of the Hindu-Arabic numeral system and the development of algebra, introduced methods of simplifying equations, and used Euclidean geometry in his proofs. [30] [31] He was the first to treat algebra as an independent discipline in its own right, [32] and presented the first systematic solution of linear and quadratic equations. [33] : 14 Ibn Ishaq al-Kindi (801–873) worked on cryptography for the Abbasid Caliphate, [34] and gave the first known recorded explanation of cryptanalysis and the first description of the method of frequency analysis. [35] [36] Avicenna (c. 980–1037) contributed to mathematical techniques such as casting out nines. [37] Thābit ibn Qurra (835–901) calculated the solution to a chessboard problem involving an exponential series. [38] Al-Farabi (c. 870–950) attempted to describe, geometrically, the repeating patterns popular in Islamic decorative motifs in his book Spiritual Crafts and Natural Secrets in the Details of Geometrical Figures. [39] Omar Khayyam (1048–1131), known in the West as a poet, calculated the length of the year to within 5 decimal places, and found geometric solutions to all 13 forms of cubic equations, developing some quadratic equations still in use. [40] Jamshīd al-Kāshī (c. 1380–1429) is credited with several theorems of trigonometry, including the law of cosines, also known as Al-Kashi's Theorem. He has been credited with the invention of decimal fractions, and with a method like Horner's to calculate roots. He calculated π correctly to 17 significant figures. [41]

Sometime around the seventh century, Islamic scholars adopted the Hindu-Arabic numeral system, describing their use in a standard type of text fī l-ḥisāb al hindī, (On the numbers of the Indians). A distinctive Western Arabic variant of the Eastern Arabic numerals began to emerge around the 10th century in the Maghreb and Al-Andalus (sometimes called ghubar numerals, though the term is not always accepted), which are the direct ancestor of the modern Arabic numerals used throughout the world. [42]

Edição de Medicina

Islamic society paid careful attention to medicine, following a hadith enjoining the preservation of good health. Its physicians inherited knowledge and traditional medical beliefs from the civilisations of classical Greece, Rome, Syria, Persia and India. These included the writings of Hippocrates such as on the theory of the four humours, and the theories of Galen. [43] al-Razi (c. 854–925/935) identified smallpox and measles, and recognized fever as a part of the body's defenses. He wrote a 23-volume compendium of Chinese, Indian, Persian, Syriac and Greek medicine. al-Razi questioned the classical Greek medical theory of how the four humours regulate life processes. He challenged Galen's work on several fronts, including the treatment of bloodletting, arguing that it was effective. [44] al-Zahrawi (936–1013) was a surgeon whose most important surviving work is referred to as al-Tasrif (Medical Knowledge). It is a 30-volume set mainly discussing medical symptoms, treatments, and pharmacology. The last volume, on surgery, describes surgical instruments, supplies, and pioneering procedures. [45] Avicenna (c. 980–1037) wrote the major medical textbook, The Canon of Medicine. [37] Ibn al-Nafis (1213–1288) wrote an influential book on medicine it largely replaced Avicenna's Cânone in the Islamic world. He wrote commentaries on Galen and on Avicenna's works. One of these commentaries, discovered in 1924, described the circulation of blood through the lungs. [46] [47]

Optics and ophthalmology Edit

Optics developed rapidly in this period. By the ninth century, there were works on physiological, geometrical and physical optics. Topics covered included mirror reflection. Hunayn ibn Ishaq (809–873) wrote the book Ten Treatises on the Eye this remained influential in the West until the 17th century. [50] Abbas ibn Firnas (810–887) developed lenses for magnification and the improvement of vision. [51] Ibn Sahl (c. 940–1000) discovered the law of refraction known as Snell's law. He used the law to produce the first Aspheric lenses that focused light without geometric aberrations. [52] [53]

In the eleventh century Ibn al-Haytham (Alhazen, 965–1040) rejected the Greek ideas about vision, whether the Aristotelian tradition that held that the form of the perceived object entered the eye (but not its matter), or that of Euclid and Ptolemy which held that the eye emitted a ray. Al-Haytham proposed in his Book of Optics that vision occurs by way of light rays forming a cone with its vertex at the center of the eye. He suggested that light was reflected from different surfaces in different directions, thus causing objects to look different. [54] [55] [56] [57] He argued further that the mathematics of reflection and refraction needed to be consistent with the anatomy of the eye. [58] He was also an early proponent of the scientific method, the concept that a hypothesis must be proved by experiments based on confirmable procedures or mathematical evidence, five centuries before Renaissance scientists. [59] [60] [61] [62] [63] [64]

Pharmacology Edit

Advances in botany and chemistry in the Islamic world encouraged developments in pharmacology. Muhammad ibn Zakarīya Rāzi (Rhazes) (865–915) promoted the medical uses of chemical compounds. Abu al-Qasim al-Zahrawi (Abulcasis) (936–1013) pioneered the preparation of medicines by sublimation and distillation. Seu Liber servitoris provides instructions for preparing "simples" from which were compounded the complex drugs then used. Sabur Ibn Sahl (died 869) was the first physician to describe a large variety of drugs and remedies for ailments. Al-Muwaffaq, in the 10th century, wrote The foundations of the true properties of Remedies, describing chemicals such as arsenious oxide and silicic acid. He distinguished between sodium carbonate and potassium carbonate, and drew attention to the poisonous nature of copper compounds, especially copper vitriol, and also of lead compounds. Al-Biruni (973–1050) wrote the Kitab al-Saydalah (The Book of Drugs), describing in detail the properties of drugs, the role of pharmacy and the duties of the pharmacist. Ibn Sina (Avicenna) described 700 preparations, their properties, their mode of action and their indications. He devoted a whole volume to simples in The Canon of Medicine. Works by Masawaih al-Mardini (c. 925–1015) and by Ibn al-Wafid (1008–1074) were printed in Latin more than fifty times, appearing as De Medicinis universalibus et particularibus by Mesue the Younger (died 1015) and as the Medicamentis simplicibus by Abenguefit (c. 997 – 1074) respectively. Peter of Abano (1250–1316) translated and added a supplement to the work of al-Mardini under the title De Veneris. Ibn al-Baytar (1197–1248), in his Al-Jami fi al-Tibb, described a thousand simples and drugs based directly on Mediterranean plants collected along the entire coast between Syria and Spain, for the first time exceeding the coverage provided by Dioscorides in classical times. [65] [18] Islamic physicians such as Ibn Sina described clinical trials for determining the efficacy of medical drugs and substances. [66]

Physics Edit

The fields of physics studied in this period, apart from optics and astronomy which are described separately, are aspects of mechanics: statics, dynamics, kinematics and motion. In the sixth century John Philoponus (c. 490 – c. 570) rejected the Aristotelian view of motion. He argued instead that an object acquires an inclination to move when it has a motive power impressed on it. In the eleventh century Ibn Sina adopted roughly the same idea, namely that a moving object has force which is dissipated by external agents like air resistance. [67] Ibn Sina distinguished between "force" and "inclination" (mayl) he claimed that an object gained mayl when the object is in opposition to its natural motion. He concluded that continuation of motion depends on the inclination that is transferred to the object, and that the object remains in motion until the mayl is spent. He also claimed that a projectile in a vacuum would not stop unless it is acted upon. That view accords with Newton's first law of motion, on inertia. [68] As a non-Aristotelian suggestion, it was essentially abandoned until it was described as "impetus" by Jean Buridan (c. 1295–1363), who was influenced by Ibn Sina's Book of Healing. [67]

No Shadows, Abū Rayḥān al-Bīrūnī (973–1048) describes non-uniform motion as the result of acceleration. [69] Ibn-Sina's theory of mayl tried to relate the velocity and weight of a moving object, a precursor of the concept of momentum. [70] Aristotle's theory of motion stated that a constant force produces a uniform motion Abu'l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī (c. 1080 – 1164/5) disagreed, arguing that velocity and acceleration are two different things, and that force is proportional to acceleration, not to velocity. [71]

Zoology Edit

Many classical works, including those of Aristotle, were transmitted from Greek to Syriac, then to Arabic, then to Latin in the Middle Ages. Aristotle's zoology remained dominant in its field for two thousand years. [76] The Kitāb al-Hayawān (كتاب الحيوان, English: Book of Animals) is a 9th-century Arabic translation of History of Animals: 1–10, On the Parts of Animals: 11–14, [77] and Generation of Animals: 15–19. [78] [79]

The book was mentioned by Al-Kindī (died 850), and commented on by Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā) in his The Book of Healing. Avempace (Ibn Bājja) and Averroes (Ibn Rushd) commented on and criticised On the Parts of Animals e Generation of Animals. [80]

Historians of science differ in their views of the significance of the scientific accomplishments in the medieval Islamic world. The traditionalist view, exemplified by Bertrand Russell, [81] holds that Islamic science, while admirable in many technical ways, lacked the intellectual energy required for innovation and was chiefly important for preserving ancient knowledge, and handing it on to medieval Europe. The revisionist view, exemplified by Abdus Salam, [82] George Saliba and John M. Hobson hold that a Muslim scientific revolution occurred during the Middle Ages. [83] [84] [ esclarecimento necessário ] Scholars such as Donald Routledge Hill and Ahmad Y. Hassan argue that Islam was the driving force behind these scientific achievements. [85]

According to Ahmed Dallal, science in medieval Islam was "practiced on a scale unprecedented in earlier human history or even contemporary human history". [86] Toby Huff takes the view that, although science in the Islamic world did produce localized innovations, it did not lead to a scientific revolution, which in his view required an ethos that existed in Europe in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but not elsewhere in the world. [87] [88] [89] Will Durant, Fielding H. Garrison, Hossein Nasr and Bernard Lewis held that Muslim scientists helped in laying the foundations for an experimental science with their contributions to the scientific method and their empirical, experimental and quantitative approach to scientific inquiry. [90] [91] [92] [93]

James E. McClellan III and Harold Dorn, reviewing the place of Islamic science in world history, comment that the positive achievement of Islamic science was simply to flourish, for centuries, in a wide range of institutions from observatories to libraries, madrasas to hospitals and courts, both at the height of the Islamic golden age and for some centuries afterwards. It plainly did not lead to a scientific revolution like that in Early modern Europe, but in their view, any such external comparison is just an attempt to impose "chronologically and culturally alien standards" on a successful medieval culture. [2]


Agradecimentos

The contents of this volume are extensively revised and expanded versions of research papers originally presented at a workshop convened at the Camargo Foundation in Cassis, France, in June 2017. We wish to express our gratitude to the Camargo Foundation, and especially Julie Chénot and Cécile Descloux, for hosting us so graciously in such a beautiful venue, and to Eliza Zingesser and Elisabeth Ladenson for facilitating the publication of these essays as a special issue of Romanic Review. We also wish to acknowledge the participation of William Burgwinkle and Peggy McCracken, who attended the workshop but were unable to contribute to this volume.


The Penguin Historical Atlas of the Medieval World

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