Notícia

Batalha de Monongahela, 9 de julho de 1755

Batalha de Monongahela, 9 de julho de 1755

Batalha de Monongahela, 9 de julho de 1755

Batalha durante as guerras francesas e indianas. Uma coluna britânica, com 1.500 homens, liderada pelo General Braddock, o comandante em chefe na América do Norte, auxiliado por George Washington, avançava em direção ao Fort Duquesne francês (atual Pittsburg). Depois de cruzar o rio Monongahela, a apenas sete milhas do forte, a coluna britânica foi emboscada por uma força francesa e indiana muito menor de 1.200 homens. Os franceses e índios, atirando da floresta, foram capazes de infligir grandes baixas sem se expor nem mesmo à vista, em particular entre os oficiais. O próprio Braddock foi mortalmente ferido depois de ordenar uma retirada, na verdade comandada por Washington. Apenas um terço da força voltou à segurança. Braddock recebeu muita culpa pelo desastre, embora o próprio Washington culpasse a inépcia das tropas britânicas regulares na guerra de fronteira.

Livros sobre a Guerra dos Sete Anos | Índice de assuntos: Guerra dos Sete Anos


Batalha de Monongahela, 9 de julho de 1755 - História

Major General Edward Braddock
General em chefe das Forças de Sua Majestade na América do Norte

250º aniversário da derrota de Braddock
A Batalha de Monongahela, 9 de julho de 1755
Uma Comemoração em Braddock, Pensilvânia

Em um lindo dia de julho, sob um céu azul cheio de nuvens brancas, as pessoas se reuniram para comemorar o desastre militar mais importante da história colonial americana. O cenário era a famosa Biblioteca Carnegie em Braddock, bem como dois locais no campo de batalha original e um ponto no topo de uma colina próxima dando um panorama magnífico do Vale do Rio Monongahela, onde a ação aconteceu 250 anos atrás.

A manhã começou cedo com um série de quatro palestras sobre a batalha e suas consequências. Os apresentadores eram autores ou historiadores conhecidos, autoridades reconhecidas na campanha. Eles incluíam Paul Kopperman, autor de Braddock em Monongahela, Burton Kummerow em "The Famous Alumni of the Braddock Expedition", Martin West, Diretor de Fort Ligonier, em "Washington and Braddock" e Walter Powell, Presidente, Braddock Road Preservation Assoc., Em "The Aftermath of Braddock's Defeat".

Walter Powell falando no teatro da Biblioteca Carnegie.


Robert Griffing assina um pôster de seu novo quadro "As Feridas do General Braddock"
que estava em exibição no andar de cima com alguns documentos históricos, incluindo uma tela completa
interpretando as lembranças da batalha escritas à mão por George Washington.

Claro, havia uma mesa de vendas com muitos livros e lembranças interessantes.


Depois das palestras, a multidão seguiu em marcha até o local do avanço mais distante das tropas de Braddock, onde uma salva foi disparada em homenagem a todos os soldados caídos na batalha.

O voleio foi dado no local de um dos primeiros monumentos à batalha. Mais recentemente, a placa de bronze foi movida para um local mais seguro e acessível na lateral do prédio de apartamentos próximo. Após a cerimônia, alguns reencenadores permaneceram no local para interpretar a ação da batalha para os visitantes.

Um dos locais mais espetaculares era a vista do Grand View Golf Course, acima de Braddock. Clique no link abaixo para um grande panorama.
Vista em direção a Pittsburgh - os arranha-céus à distância.
Para Vista panorâmica Clique aqui! - Arquivo grande!

Nossos parabéns à Braddock's Field Historical Society e à Braddock Carnegie Library por tudo o que eles e os voluntários fizeram para tornar este dia memorável. O general ficaria orgulhoso.

Veja o calendário de eventos para atividades no próximo fim de semana (6 a 17 de julho) em Jumonville e Fort Necessity.


Conteúdo

A expedição de Braddock fez parte de uma maciça ofensiva britânica contra os franceses na América do Norte naquele verão. Como comandante-chefe do Exército Britânico na América, o general Braddock liderou o ataque principal contra o país de Ohio com uma coluna de cerca de 2.100 homens. Seu comando consistia em dois regimentos de linha regular, o 44º e o 48º com cerca de 1.350 homens, junto com cerca de 500 soldados regulares e milicianos de várias colônias britânicas americanas, artilharia e outras tropas de apoio. Com esses homens, Braddock esperava tomar o Fort Duquesne facilmente e, em seguida, avançar para capturar uma série de fortes franceses, chegando finalmente ao Fort Niagara. George Washington, promovido a tenente-coronel da milícia da Virgínia em 4 de junho de 1754 pelo governador Robert Dinwiddie, [6] tinha então apenas 23 anos, conhecia o território e serviu como ajudante de campo voluntário do general Braddock. [7] O chefe dos escoteiros de Braddock era o tenente John Fraser do Regimento da Virgínia. Fraser possuía terras em Turtle Creek, estivera em Fort Necessity e servira como segundo em comando no Fort Prince George (rebatizado de Fort Duquesne pelos franceses), na confluência dos rios Allegheny e Monongahela.

Braddock falhou principalmente em suas tentativas de recrutar aliados nativos americanos daquelas tribos ainda não aliadas aos franceses que ele tinha, mas oito índios Mingo com ele, servindo como batedores. Vários índios da região, principalmente o líder de Delaware, Shingas, permaneceram neutros. Presos entre dois poderosos impérios europeus em guerra, os índios locais não podiam se dar ao luxo de estar do lado do perdedor. Eles decidiriam com base no sucesso ou fracasso de Braddock.

Partindo de Fort Cumberland em Maryland em 29 de maio de 1755, a expedição enfrentou um enorme desafio logístico: mover um grande corpo de homens com equipamentos, provisões e (mais importante, para atacar os fortes) canhões pesados, através do densamente arborizado Allegheny Montanhas e no oeste da Pensilvânia, uma jornada de cerca de 110 milhas (180 km). Braddock havia recebido ajuda importante de Benjamin Franklin, que ajudou a adquirir carroças e suprimentos para a expedição. Entre os carroceiros estavam dois jovens que mais tarde se tornariam lendas da história americana: Daniel Boone e Daniel Morgan. Outros membros da expedição incluíam o alferes William Crawford e Charles Scott. Entre os britânicos estavam Thomas Gage Charles Lee, futuro presidente americano George Washington, e Horatio Gates.

A expedição progrediu lentamente porque Braddock considerou fazer uma estrada para Fort Duquesne uma prioridade a fim de fornecer efetivamente a posição que esperava capturar e manter em Forks of the Ohio, e por causa da escassez de animais de tração saudáveis. Em alguns casos, a coluna só foi capaz de progredir a uma taxa de duas milhas (cerca de 3 km) por dia, criando a estrada de Braddock - um importante legado da marcha - conforme eles avançavam. Para acelerar o movimento, Braddock dividiu seus homens em uma "coluna voadora" de cerca de 1.300 homens que ele comandava e, ficando para trás, uma coluna de suprimentos de 800 homens com a maior parte da bagagem, comandada pelo coronel Thomas Dunbar. Eles passaram pelas ruínas de Fort Necessity ao longo do caminho, onde franceses e canadenses haviam derrotado Washington no verão anterior. Pequenos bandos de guerra franceses e indianos entraram em conflito com os homens de Braddock durante a marcha.

Enquanto isso, em Fort Duquesne, a guarnição francesa consistia em apenas cerca de 250 regulares e milícia canadense, com cerca de 640 aliados indianos acampados fora do forte. Os índios eram de uma variedade de tribos há muito associadas aos franceses, incluindo Ottawas, Ojibwas e Potawatomis. Claude-Pierre Pécaudy de Contrecœur, o comandante canadense, recebeu relatos de grupos de escoteiros indianos de que os britânicos estavam a caminho de sitiar o forte. Ele percebeu que não poderia resistir ao canhão de Braddock e decidiu lançar um ataque preventivo, uma emboscada do exército de Braddock enquanto ele cruzava o rio Monongahela. Os aliados indianos inicialmente relutaram em atacar uma força britânica tão grande, mas o comandante de campo francês Daniel Liénard de Beaujeu, que se vestiu com trajes de guerra completos com pintura de guerra, os convenceu a seguir seu exemplo.

Em 8 de julho de 1755, a força de Braddock estava nas terras do chefe dos escoteiros, tenente John Fraser. Naquela noite, os indianos enviaram uma delegação aos britânicos para solicitar uma conferência. Braddock enviou Washington e Fraser. Os indianos pediram aos britânicos que interrompessem seu avanço para que pudessem negociar uma retirada pacífica dos franceses de Fort Duquesne. Tanto Washington quanto Fraser recomendaram isso a Braddock, mas ele hesitou.

Em 9 de julho de 1755, os homens de Braddock cruzaram o Monongahela sem oposição, cerca de 10 milhas (16 km) ao sul de Fort Duquesne. A guarda avançada de 300 granadeiros e colonos com dois canhões sob o comando do tenente-coronel Thomas Gage começou a avançar. George Washington tentou alertá-lo sobre as falhas em seu plano - por exemplo, os franceses e os indianos lutaram de maneira diferente do estilo de campo aberto usado pelos britânicos - mas seus esforços foram ignorados, Braddock insistiu em lutar como "cavalheiros". Então, inesperadamente, a guarda avançada de Gage encontrou os franceses e os índios, que estavam correndo para o rio, atrasados ​​e tarde demais para armar uma emboscada.

Na escaramuça que se seguiu entre os soldados de Gage e os franceses, o comandante francês, Beaujeu, foi morto pela primeira salva de mosquetes dos granadeiros. Embora cerca de 100 canadenses franceses tenham fugido de volta para o forte e o barulho do canhão tenha afastado os índios, a morte de Beaujeu não teve um efeito negativo sobre o moral francês Jean-Daniel Dumas, um oficial francês, reuniu o resto dos franceses e seus índios aliados. A batalha, conhecida como Batalha de Monongahela, ou o Batalha do deserto, ou apenas Derrota de Braddock, foi oficialmente iniciado. A força de Braddock era de aproximadamente 1.400 homens. Os britânicos enfrentaram uma força francesa e indiana estimada em 300 a 900. A batalha, frequentemente descrita como uma emboscada, foi na verdade uma compromisso de reunião, onde duas forças se chocam em um momento e lugar inesperados. A resposta rápida e eficaz dos franceses e indianos - apesar da perda precoce de seu comandante - levou muitos dos homens de Braddock a acreditar que haviam sofrido uma emboscada. No entanto, documentos franceses revelam que as forças francesas e indianas chegaram tarde demais para preparar uma emboscada e ficaram tão surpresas quanto os britânicos.

Após uma troca de tiros, o grupo avançado de Gage recuou. Nos estreitos limites da estrada, eles colidiram com o corpo principal da força de Braddock, que avançou rapidamente quando os tiros foram ouvidos. A coluna inteira se dissolveu em desordem quando os milicianos e índios canadenses os envolveram e continuaram a atacar os flancos britânicos da floresta nas margens da estrada. Nesse momento, os regulares franceses começaram a avançar na estrada e a empurrar os britânicos para trás.

Seguindo o exemplo de Braddock, os oficiais continuaram tentando reformar as unidades em uma ordem regular de exibição dentro dos limites da estrada, principalmente em vão e simplesmente fornecendo alvos para o inimigo oculto. Canhões foram usados, mas em tais confins da estrada da floresta, eles foram ineficazes. A milícia colonial que acompanhava os britânicos se protegeu e respondeu ao fogo. Na confusão, alguns dos milicianos que lutavam na floresta foram confundidos com o inimigo e alvejados pelos regulares britânicos.

Depois de várias horas de combate intenso, Braddock foi derrubado do cavalo e a resistência efetiva entrou em colapso. O coronel Washington, embora não tivesse posição oficial na cadeia de comando, conseguiu impor e manter alguma ordem e formou uma retaguarda, o que permitiu que os remanescentes da força se retirassem. Isso lhe valeu o apelido Herói da Monongahela, pelo qual ele foi brindado e estabeleceu sua fama por algum tempo.

Marchamos até aquele lugar, sem perdas consideráveis, tendo apenas de vez em quando um retardatário apanhado pelos franceses e índios batedores. Quando chegamos lá, fomos atacados por um grupo de franceses e indianos, cujo número, estou certo, não ultrapassava trezentos homens, enquanto o nosso consistia em cerca de mil trezentos soldados bem armados, principalmente soldados regulares, que foram atacados com tanto pânico que se comportaram com mais covardia do que é possível conceber. Os oficiais comportaram-se com bravura, a fim de encorajar seus homens, pelo que sofreram muito, sendo quase sessenta mortos e feridos uma grande parte do número que tínhamos. "[8]

Ao pôr do sol, as forças britânicas e coloniais sobreviventes estavam fugindo de volta pela estrada que haviam construído. Braddock morreu devido aos ferimentos durante o longo retiro, em 13 de julho, e está enterrado nos parques Fort Necessity.

Dos cerca de 1.300 homens que Braddock havia liderado para a batalha, 456 foram mortos e 422 feridos. Oficiais comissionados foram os principais alvos e sofreram muito: de 86 oficiais, 26 foram mortos e 37 feridos. Das cerca de 50 mulheres que acompanharam a coluna britânica como empregadas domésticas e cozinheiras, apenas 4 sobreviveram. Os franceses e canadenses relataram 8 mortos e 4 feridos, seus aliados indianos perderam 15 mortos e 12 feridos.

O coronel Dunbar, com as reservas e unidades de suprimento da retaguarda, assumiu o comando quando os sobreviventes alcançaram sua posição. Ele ordenou a destruição de suprimentos e canhões antes de se retirar, queimando cerca de 150 carroças no local. Ironicamente, neste ponto as forças britânicas derrotadas, desmoralizadas e desorganizadas ainda superavam seus oponentes. Os franceses e indianos não os perseguiram e se envolveram em saques e escalpelamentos. O comandante francês Dumas percebeu que os britânicos estavam totalmente derrotados, mas não tinha força suficiente para continuar a perseguição organizada.

O debate sobre como Braddock, com soldados profissionais, número superior e artilharia, poderia fracassar tão miseravelmente começou logo após a batalha e continua até hoje. Alguns culparam Braddock, alguns culparam seus oficiais e alguns culparam os regulares britânicos ou a milícia colonial. Washington, por sua vez, apoiou Braddock e criticou os regulares britânicos. [8]

As táticas de Braddock ainda são debatidas. Uma escola de pensamento afirma que a confiança de Braddock nos métodos europeus consagrados pelo tempo, com os homens ombro a ombro ao ar livre e disparando saraivadas em massa em uníssono, não eram apropriados para combates na fronteira e custaram a Braddock a batalha. As táticas de escaramuça ("estilo indiano"), que os colonos americanos aprenderam na luta na fronteira, com homens se protegendo e atirando individualmente, eram superiores no ambiente americano. [9]

No entanto, em alguns estudos, a interpretação da superioridade "ao estilo indiano" foi considerada um mito por vários historiadores militares. Os exércitos regulares europeus já empregavam suas próprias forças irregulares e tinham extensas teorias sobre como usar uma guerra de contra-guerrilha. Stephen Brumwell argumenta exatamente o contrário, afirmando que contemporâneos de Braddock, como John Forbes e Henry Bouquet, reconheceram que "a guerra nas florestas da América era um negócio muito diferente da guerra na Europa". [10]

Peter Russell argumenta que foi o fracasso de Braddock em confiar nos métodos europeus consagrados pelo tempo que lhe custou a batalha. [11] Os britânicos já haviam travado uma guerra contra as forças irregulares nos levantes jacobitas. E os irregulares do Leste Europeu, como Pandours e Hussars, já haviam causado impacto na guerra e na teoria europeias na década de 1740. O fracasso de Braddock, de acordo com os proponentes dessa teoria, foi causado por não aplicar adequadamente a doutrina militar tradicional (principalmente por não usar a distância), e não por sua falta de uso de táticas de fronteira. [12] Russell, em seu estudo, mostra que em várias ocasiões antes da batalha, Braddock aderiu com sucesso às táticas europeias padrão para conter emboscadas e, portanto, tornou-se quase imune aos ataques franceses e canadenses anteriores.


Conteúdo

Braddock havia sido despachado para a América do Norte na nova posição de Comandante-em-Chefe, trazendo com ele dois regimentos (o 44º e o 48º) de tropas da Irlanda. [7] Ele acrescentou a isso recrutando tropas locais na América britânica, aumentando suas forças para cerca de 2.200 quando saiu de Fort Cumberland, Maryland, em 29 de maio. [8] Ele estava acompanhado pelo Coronel George Washington da Virgínia, que liderou a expedição do ano anterior à área. [1]

A expedição de Braddock fez parte de um ataque em quatro frentes contra os franceses na América do Norte. As ordens de Braddock eram lançar um ataque ao país de Ohio, disputado pela Grã-Bretanha e pela França. O controle da área foi dominado por Fort Duquesne nas bifurcações do rio Ohio. Assim que estivesse em sua posse, ele seguiria para o Forte Niagara, estabelecendo o controle britânico sobre o território de Ohio.

Ele logo encontrou uma série de dificuldades. Ele desprezou a necessidade de recrutar nativos americanos locais como batedores e saiu com apenas oito guias Mingo. Ele descobriu que a estrada que estava tentando usar era lenta e precisava de um alargamento constante para mover a artilharia e as carroças de abastecimento ao longo dela. Frustrado, ele dividiu sua força em dois, liderando uma coluna voadora à frente, com uma força mais lenta seguindo com canhões e carroças. [8]

A coluna voadora de 1.300 pessoas cruzou o rio Monongahela em 9 de julho, a 16 km de seu alvo, Fort Duquesne. Apesar de estarem muito cansados ​​depois de semanas cruzando terreno extremamente difícil, muitos dos britânicos e americanos anteciparam uma vitória relativamente fácil - ou mesmo que os franceses abandonassem o forte ao se aproximarem. [9]

Fort Duquesne tinha sido defendido de forma muito leve, mas recentemente recebeu reforços significativos. [10] Claude-Pierre Pecaudy de Contrecœur, o comandante canadense do forte, tinha cerca de 1.600 trupes francesas de la Marine, milicianos canadenses e aliados nativos americanos. Preocupado com a aproximação dos britânicos, ele despachou o capitão Daniel Liénard de Beaujeu com cerca de 800 soldados (108 Troupes de la Marine, 146 milícias canadenses e 600 índios), [11] para verificar seu avanço. [12]

Os franceses e indianos chegaram tarde demais para armar uma emboscada, pois haviam se atrasado, e os britânicos haviam feito um progresso surpreendentemente rápido. Eles correram para a guarda avançada britânica, comandada pelo tenente-coronel Thomas Gage. Vendo o inimigo nas árvores, Gage ordenou que seus homens abrissem fogo. Apesar de disparar a um alcance muito longo para um mosquete de cano liso, seus saltos iniciais conseguiram matar o capitão Beaujeu.

Despreocupados com a morte de Beaujeu, os guerreiros indígenas tomaram posição para atacar. Eles estavam lutando em um terreno de caça indígena que favorecia suas táticas, com numerosas árvores e arbustos separados por amplos espaços abertos. O fogo do pelotão dos britânicos inicialmente fez com que cerca de cem franceses fugissem de volta para o forte. O capitão Dumas reuniu o resto das tropas francesas. As tribos indígenas aliadas aos franceses, os Ottawas, Ojibwa e Potawatomis, usaram a guerra psicológica contra os britânicos. Depois que os índios mataram os soldados britânicos, eles pregaram seus escalpos nas árvores ao redor. Durante a batalha, os indianos fizeram um som de "grito" aterrorizante que causou medo e pânico na infantaria britânica. [13]

Quando ficaram sob fogo pesado, a guarda avançada de Gage começou a sofrer baixas e se retirou. Nos estreitos limites da estrada, eles colidiram com o corpo principal da força de Braddock, que avançou rapidamente quando os tiros foram ouvidos. Apesar de ultrapassar confortavelmente o número de seus atacantes, os britânicos ficaram imediatamente na defensiva. A maioria dos regulares não estava acostumada a lutar em terreno florestal e ficava apavorada com o fogo mortal de mosquete. A confusão reinou e vários pelotões britânicos atiraram uns contra os outros. [14] A coluna inteira se dissolveu em desordem quando os milicianos e índios canadenses os envolveram e continuaram a atacar os flancos britânicos das florestas nas laterais da estrada. Nesse momento, os regulares franceses começaram a avançar pela estrada e a empurrar os britânicos para trás. O general Braddock avançou para tentar reunir seus homens, que haviam perdido todo o senso de coesão da unidade.

Seguindo o exemplo de Braddock, os oficiais tentaram reformar as unidades em ordem regular dentro dos limites da estrada. Esse esforço foi em vão e simplesmente forneceu alvos para o inimigo oculto. Canhões foram usados, mas devido aos limites da estrada na floresta, eles foram ineficazes. Braddock teve vários cavalos alvejados, mas manteve a compostura, dando o único sinal de ordem aos amedrontados soldados britânicos. [14] Muitos dos americanos, sem o treinamento de regulares britânicos para se manterem firmes, fugiram e se abrigaram atrás de árvores, onde foram confundidos com combatentes inimigos pelos casacas vermelhas, que atiraram neles. [14] A retaguarda, composta por virginianos, conseguiu lutar com eficácia nas árvores, algo que aprenderam em anos anteriores lutando contra os índios. [15]

Apesar das condições desfavoráveis, os britânicos começaram a se manter firmes e a disparar contra o inimigo. Braddock acreditava que o inimigo acabaria cedendo em face da disciplina exibida pelas tropas lideradas pelos ingleses. Apesar da falta de oficiais para comandá-los, os pelotões frequentemente improvisados ​​continuaram a manter suas fileiras rudes.

Finalmente, após três horas de combate intenso, Braddock foi baleado no pulmão, possivelmente por um de seus próprios homens, [16] [17] e a resistência efetiva entrou em colapso. Ele caiu do cavalo, gravemente ferido, e foi levado de volta para a segurança por seus homens. Como resultado do ferimento de Braddock, e sem uma ordem dada, os britânicos começaram a se retirar. Eles o fizeram em grande parte com ordem, até chegarem ao rio Monongahela, quando foram atacados pelos guerreiros índios. Os índios atacaram com machados e facas de escalpelamento, após o que o pânico se espalhou entre as tropas britânicas, e eles começaram a se separar e correr, acreditando que estavam para ser massacrados.

O coronel Washington, embora não tivesse posição oficial na cadeia de comando, conseguiu impor e manter alguma ordem, e formou uma retaguarda, o que permitiu que os remanescentes da força se retirassem. Ao pôr do sol, as forças britânicas sobreviventes estavam fugindo de volta pela estrada que haviam construído, carregando seus feridos. Atrás deles na estrada, os corpos estavam empilhados. Os índios não perseguiram os casacas vermelhas em fuga, mas em vez disso começaram a escalpelar e saquear os cadáveres dos feridos e mortos, e a beber duzentos galões de rum capturado. [18]

Vários soldados e mulheres britânicos foram capturados na batalha. Alguns dos soldados foram poupados, assim como a maioria das mulheres, mas cerca de uma dúzia de soldados foram torturados e queimados até a morte pelos índios naquela noite, testemunhados pelo prisioneiro britânico James Smith. [19]

Daniel Boone, um famoso pioneiro, explorador, lenhador e fronteiriço americano - e um dos primeiros heróis populares dos Estados Unidos - estava entre os soldados envolvidos na batalha. Boone serviu sob o capitão Hugh Waddell da Carolina do Norte, cuja unidade de milícia foi designada em 1755 para servir sob Braddock. Boone atuou como carroceiro, junto com seu primo Daniel Morgan, que mais tarde seria um general-chave na Revolução Americana. [20] Na Batalha de Monongahela, Boone escapou por pouco da morte quando os vagões de bagagem foram atacados pelas tropas indianas - Boone escapou, dizem, cortando seus vagões e fugindo. Boone continuou a criticar os erros de Braddock pelo resto da vida. [21] Durante a campanha, Boone conheceu John Finley, um empacotador que trabalhava para George Croghan no comércio de peles transapalaches. Finley primeiro interessou Boone na abundância de caça e outras maravilhas naturais do Vale do Ohio. Finley levou Boone em sua primeira viagem de caça ao Kentucky 12 anos depois. [22]


Batalha de Monongahela, 9 de julho de 1755 - História

A data foi 9 de julho de 1755. A guerra foi a Guerra da França e Índia com os britânicos. Franklin e Washington alertaram o general britânico Braddock sobre uma possível emboscada. Braddock, sem preocupação, marchou com seus homens em uma linha que se estendia por 6,5 quilômetros em um caminho estreito e sinuoso na floresta, perto da atual Pittsburgh, Pensilvânia. Braddock era hábil em campo aberto, guerra ao estilo europeu, e não o que ocorreria naquele dia nas florestas da Pensilvânia. Para Braddock, esconder-se atrás das árvores era covardia.

Uma força de 72 franceses regulares, 146 milicianos canadenses e 637 índios (força combinada de 855) emboscaram os 1.300 ingleses na floresta. A batalha foi muito unilateral: 714 soldados britânicos foram mortos ou feridos, dos 86 oficiais britânicos, 63 foram mortos ou feridos - o próprio Braddock foi mortalmente ferido. O lado francês perdeu cerca de 30 homens e três oficiais.

Washington, aos 23 anos, participou dessa grande batalha. Seu casaco foi rasgado quatro vezes por balas de mosquete. Dois cavalos foram disparados debaixo dele. Um selo de ouro pendurado em seu pescoço com suas iniciais foi atirado contra ele (foi encontrado cerca de 80 anos depois). No entanto, Washington saiu ileso.

O chefe Red Hawk disse que atirou onze vezes em Washington sem matá-lo. Nesse ponto, como sua arma nunca teve tanta dificuldade em acertar o alvo, ele parou de atirar nele, convencido de que o “Grande Espírito” o protegia. Washington conheceu um chefe indígena, 15 anos após a batalha, perto do que hoje é a fronteira de Ohio e West Virginia. Ele disse: "Nossos rifles foram apontados, rifles que, se não fosse por você, não sabiam como errar - foi em vão um poder mais poderoso do que nós o protegemos. Vendo que você estava sob a tutela especial do Grande Espírito, imediatamente paramos de atirar em você. ” Outro indiano teria dito: “Washington nunca nasceu para ser morto por uma bala! Tive 17 disparos justos contra ele com meu rifle e, afinal, não consegui derrubá-lo! ” (The Bulletproof George Washington por David Barton).

George Washington acreditava que havia sido protegido pela providência de Deus. Ele escreveu a seu irmão John em 18 de julho de 1755: “Mas, pela Todo-Poderosa Dispensação da Providência, fui protegido além de toda probabilidade ou expectativa humana, pois tinha quatro balas em meu casaco e dois cavalos sob mim, ainda escapou ileso, embora a Morte estivesse nivelando meus companheiros por todos os lados! " (encyclopediavirginia.org).

Devido à natureza da providência, não há uma maneira de dizer com 100% de certeza que isso foi devido à providência de Deus. (Ver Ester 4:14 Filemom 15). No entanto, sabemos que, em última análise, Deus está no controle (Atos 17:26). É assim até hoje.

Além disso, sabemos que devemos ser bons cidadãos. Devemos obedecer às leis da terra (Mateus 17: 24-27 22: 17-21 Romanos 13: 1-2 Tito 3: 1 1 Pedro 2: 13-14). Somos ensinados a orar por aqueles que têm autoridade (1 Timóteo 2: 1-2, cf. Jeremias 29: 7).

Claramente, este é um país com grande prosperidade e liberdade. Nas escrituras, é ensinado que devemos ser bons mordomos do que temos (1 Coríntios 4: 2 Mateus 25: 14-ss Lucas 19: 11-ss Lucas 12: 48b). Nenhum outro povo na história do mundo foi tão livre e próspero. Como estamos usando nossas bênçãos? Estamos usando nossa liberdade e prosperidade para divulgar as Boas Novas?

Não, não posso dizer com 100% de certeza que o Coronel Washington foi protegido pela providência avassaladora de Deus. Embora isso faça a gente se perguntar.

Aqui estão algumas idéias sobre a vida neste (ou em qualquer país). Essas são algumas coisas que eu sei. Eu sei que Deus quer que obedeçamos às leis desta nação (com apenas uma exceção Daniel 3 6 Atos 4: 18-20 5:29). Sei que devemos orar pelos líderes deste país, sejam eles quem forem, para que possamos viver uma vida tranquila e pacífica (1 Timóteo 2: 1-2). Sei que somos abençoados por morar aqui e com as grandes oportunidades que temos vêm com responsabilidades. Eu sei que devemos viver como luzes neste mundo (Mateus 5:16). Além disso, devemos sempre lembrar que este mundo não é nossa casa.


Mapa da Rota de Braddock

Mapa da rota percorrida pelo Major General Edward Braddock e Exército # 8217s em
Maryland e Pensilvânia durante seu avanço para Fort DuQuesne 29 de maio
a 9 de julho de 1755.

24) 9 de julho de 1755, por volta das 14h, os índios e franceses atacaram o exército de Braddock e a carnificina começou.

23) Ao meio-dia, o exército de Braddock começou a marcha final para Fort DuQuesne. Presumia-se agora que os franceses haviam partido e não haveria luta. As precauções elementares, escrupulosamente observadas até agora, foram abandonadas. O exército marchou com pífano e tambor tocando a ‘Marcha do Granadeiro’.

20) 6 de julho, soldados dispararam contra um grupo de índios matando o filho de Monacatootha, o chefe dos índios de Braddock.

19) 6 de julho, os índios voltam com o couro cabeludo de um oficial francês. Farinha e carne chegaram de Dunbar.

18) 3 de julho, o acampamento Deer Lick, Sir John Saint Clair, pediu que o exército aguardasse o contingente de Dunbar. Foi decidido continuar. Dois dos índios partiram para fazer o reconhecimento do Forte Duquesne.

13) O local onde o General Braddock foi enterrado no retorno de Fort DuQuesne.

10) 20 de junho, o exército chegou ao Bear Camp, onde George Washington foi deixado, gravemente doente. Washington retornou ao exército em 8 de julho a tempo de tomar parte heróica na batalha.

7) 6 de junho, o contingente do major Chapman alcançou Little Meadows e começou a construção de fortificações. As carroças voltaram vazias para Fort Cumberland.

6) 11 de junho, após um conselho de guerra, vários dos vagões foram devolvidos ao Fort Cumberland por serem pesados ​​demais para o país.

5) 10 de junho, o General Braddock marchou com as tropas e vagões restantes.

4) 9 de junho, os Rangers Americanos e as Companhias Independentes marcharam.

3) 7 de junho de 1755, Sir Peter Halkett marchou com um contingente de tropas britânicas e americanas.

2) 2 de junho, o tenente Spendlowe, RN, descobriu o caminho mais fácil ao longo de Will's Creek.

A batalha anterior na sequência das Batalhas britânicas é a Batalha de Plassey

A próxima batalha na sequência das Batalhas Britânicas é Braddock & # 8217s Derrota Parte I

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Batalha do campo de Braddock

Em 9 de julho de 1755, George Washington se destacou como líder na Batalha de Braddock’s Field, também conhecida como Batalha de Monongahela.

Aos 20 anos, George Washington se juntou à milícia colonial da Virgínia. Uma de suas atribuições era construir uma estrada através das densas florestas de Maryland até a Pensilvânia, para montar um acampamento, encontrar rotas de água para o vale de Ohio e aguardar reforços. Após uma escaramuça com as tropas francesas que ameaçaram evoluir para uma guerra em grande escala, Washington e seus homens construíram uma fortaleza de toras chamada Fort Necessity.

Em 3 de julho de 1754, os franceses atacaram o Fort Necessity, disparando os primeiros tiros da Guerra Francesa e Indiana. Em desvantagem numérica de três para um, os homens de Washington foram forçados a se render. A derrota foi a única rendição de sua carreira militar.

U.S. # 688 FDC & # 8211 Braddock & # 8217s Field First Day Cover.

Em 1755, Washington se ofereceu para atuar como assistente confidencial do general britânico Edward Braddock ao lançar uma campanha para retomar o Vale do Ohio dos franceses. Seu objetivo era capturar a fortaleza francesa de Fort Duquesne na Pensilvânia e empurrar para o norte até Fort Niagara. No entanto, Braddock não conseguiu recrutar batedores nativos americanos e descobriu que a estrada era muito estreita e precisava ser constantemente alargada para mover a artilharia e os vagões de suprimentos. He decided to split his army in two, sending a flying column ahead with the slower force of cannons and wagons remaining behind.

U.S. #1123 – Fort Duquesne was named after the Marquis de Duquesne, governor-general of New France.

Braddock’s 1,300-man flying column crossed the Monongahela River on July 9, 1755, placing them about 10 miles from Fort Duquesne. The men expected an easy victory as the fort was lightly defended. However, the fort had recently received French, Canadian, and Native American reinforcements. The Canadian commander of the fort received word of the approaching British and sent out about 800 troops and Native American warriors for an ambush. Though the British saw the ambush party hiding in the tree line, the Native Americans utilized psychological warfare to instill fear. They hung the scalps of their victims on trees and let out a terrifying “whoop” call that led the British to panic.

U.S. #1123 FDC – Fort Duquesne First Day Cover.

Coming under heavy fire, this British advance guard began to withdraw. However, the slower force sped up their advance when they heard gunfire. Though the British far outnumbered their attackers, they were on the defensive. The men were not used to fighting in the woods and were so confused they frequently fired on each other. As his men descended in chaos, Braddock rode to the front to rally his men. Some of his commanders followed suit and the troops held their ground. Several horses were shot out from under Braddock before he was shot in the lung.

U.S. #72 was often used on mail to foreign nations during the Civil War.

As Braddock was carried away, the British had no leader and began to withdraw to the Monongahela River. There they came under attack from Native Americans with hatchets and scalping knives. The British feared a massacre. But then Colonel Washington, despite having no official command, helped the men to calm down and establish order. He then organized and evacuated the men.

Although the British were defeated, Washington distinguished himself and became known as the “Hero of the Monongahela.” His reputation was known as far away as London, and the British governor of Virginia appointed him commander in chief of the state’s colonial militia. However, Washington became frustrated by the British military’s lack of respect for the colonists’ service. He resigned his commission three years later in favor of civilian life.

U.S. #1728 pictures Horatio Gates at Saratoga. Gates participated in Braddock’s Expedition.

The battle of Braddock’s Field featured several commanders besides Washington who would become prominent in the American Revolution: General Thomas Gage went on to become the British Commander-in-Chief at the beginning of the Revolution, Horatio Gates was a Colonial Army general who commanded American forces at the Battle of Saratoga, and Charles Lee became a major general in the Colonial Army.


MONONGAHELA, BATTLE OF THE

MONONGAHELA, BATTLE OF THE (9 July 1755). In the opening stages of the French and Indian War, a vanguard of British Gen. Edward Braddock's expedition encountered a band of French and Indian soldiers near Braddock, Pa., surprising both sides. The British opened fire immediately, scattering the enemy. The Indians occupied a commanding hill and worked through a gully on the other British flank. Surrounded, the vanguard retreated, abandoning its guns. Meanwhile, the main body rushed forward hastily, and the whole army became an unmanageable huddle. Most of the officers were killed or wounded, but Lt. Col. George Washington, who was one of Braddock's aides, was almost miraculously unscathed. Braddock, mortally wounded, ordered a retreat the soldiers fled in disorder.


Braddock’s Defeat — The Battle of Monongahela and the Road to Revolution

BY AUGUST OF 1755, grim details of the slaughter of Major General Edward Braddock ’s army on the banks of the Monongahela River had spread across the empire.

The reports described how a column of British regulars and American colonial troops were ambushed by French and Native American forces in the remote Ohio Country. Braddock’s expedition had spent the previous six weeks traversing more than 100 miles of wilderness with the goal of capturing Fort Duquesne , which sat at the strategically vital Forks of the Ohio River (modern Pittsburgh). The British were only a few miles from the enemy outpost on July 9 when they were attacked. In the space of just four hours, 976 out of a force of 1,469 Redcoats and provincials were dead or injured. Braddock himself was mortally wounded in the clash, and the remnants of his force struggled back across the Appalachian Mountains before abandoning the expedition altogether.

British contemporaries were stunned by initial reports that a mere 300 French and Indians had defeated a force of more than 1,400 British soldiers.

In faraway Nova Scotia, a Massachusetts officer thought it the “most extraordinary thing that ever [happened] in America and unparalleled in history that such a number of English regular troops (then which there certainly is none better) should be defeated by a handful of French & Indians, & directly to run away.” Even those who had witnessed the slaughter were similarly shocked.

George Washington , one of General Braddock’s aides who had barely survived, wrote to a friend following the battle:

“I join very heartily with you in believing that when this story comes to be related in future annals, it will meet with unbelief & indignation for had I not been witness to the fact on that fatal day, I should scarce have given credit to it even now.”

Yet Braddock’s Defeat, or the Battle of the Monongahela (as it was known by its French victors) was distinguished by far more than battlefield slaughter. Historians’ traditional emphasis on Braddock’s supposed arrogance has also obscured the immense historical consequences of his defeat. While it was one of the worst military disasters in British history, it was among the greatest victories ever achieved by Native Americans, who had composed two-thirds of the French and Indian coalition of around 900 combatants. The tangible evidence of their victory — captured war materiel, horses, uniforms, and scalps — brought Native nations into the French alliance in far greater numbers than ever before. Using Braddock’s road across the mountains in reverse, French and Indian war parties soon attacked and devastated the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia.

The events at Monongahela decisively swung the pendulum of military power to the French. The victors used Braddock’s captured artillery train and supplies to besiege and capture other British forts in America. The capture of Braddock’s headquarters papers was also a diplomatic and propaganda coup for the French, as they provided incriminating evidence that leading British ministers of state had plotted war against France during a formal peace. Braddock’s defeat powerfully escalated what had been a colonial conflict between Britain and France into a global struggle for supremacy known as the Seven Years’ War (1756-1763).

Braddock’s Defeat ultimately changed how e where war was fought in America. The British army adapted to American warfare by creating ranger units and light infantry companies that could confront the threat of Indian and Canadian irregulars in the woods. In 1758, and with Braddock’s example before him, General John Forbes finally captured Fort Duquesne , and by 1760 the British had conquered New France itself .

During the Seven Years’ War, British and American forces had developed a new ability to strike at French and Indian targets deep in the continent’s interior. The military roads that Braddock and Forbes built across the Appalachians were crucial in shifting military operations from the seaboard to the interior. In the decades following the war, those military roads enabled thousands of British colonists to occupy lands the Ohio Valley. It marked the beginning of America’s westward expansion across the continent.

Braddock’s expedition also shaped a distinctly American identity and exposed many of the political and constitutional fault lines that would ultimately sunder the 13 colonies from the British Empire. Many colonists were awakened to a sense of “being Americans” — as George Washington expressed it — as they campaigned alongside British regulars who often denigrated their military abilities and provincial status. When the American Revolution erupted, only 20 years after Braddock’s defeat, revolutionaries remembered the Monongahela as evidence that trained British regulars could be beaten. Among the Continental Army ’s leading generals were George Washington, Horatio Gates , Charles Lee , Adam Stephen , and Daniel Morgan — all veterans of the Monongahela who carried its lessons forward into the Revolutionary War, as they sought victory over the British at places like Trenton , Saratoga , Cowpens , and Yorktown .

ABOUT THE AUTHOR: David L. Preston is an award-winning historian of American military history with a special interest in war and peace among the French, British, and Indian peoples of the 18th century. He is currently a professor of history at The Citadel . His first book, The Texture of Contact: European and Indian Settler Communities on the Frontiers of Iroquoia, 1667-1783 (2009), received the 2010 Albert B. Corey Prize from the Canadian and American Historical Associations for the best book on Canadian/American relations. His most recent work is Braddock’s Defeat: The Battle of the Monongahela and the Road to Revolution . Since being published in 2016, the book has received six awards or distinctions, including the 2016 Gilder Lehrman Prize for Military History , recognizing the best book published on military history in the English language each year. It also received the Distinguished Book Award from the Society of Military History and was a finalist for the George Washington Book Prize .


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Gilder Lehrman Collection #: GLC06650 Author/Creator: Braddock, Edward (fl. 1755) Place Written: s.l. Type: Manuscript document Date: circa 9 July 1755 Pagination: 4 p. 32 x 20.5 cm.

From the expedition against Fort Duquesne during the French and Indian War. Reports that Major General Edward Braddock died of his wounds and Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Gage was slightly wounded. Mentions George Washington as participating officer.

A List of the Officers who were present, and of those Killed and Wounded in the Action on the Banks of Monongahela the 9th Day of July 1755.

Staff
His Excellency Edward Braddock Esqr Genl and Commandr in Chief of all his Majestys Forces in North America - Died of his Wounds
Robert Orne Esqr - Wounded
Roger Morrs Esqr
George Washington Esqr > Aid de Camps - Wounded
Wm Shirley Esqr Secy - Killed
Sr John St Clair Deputy Quarter Master Genl - Wounded
Mathew Lessley Gentl Asst to the Quarter Master Genl - Wounded
Francis Halket Esqr Major of Brigade - -
44th Regiment
Sir Peter Halkert Colonel - Killed
Lieut Col Gage - Slightly Wounded
Captn Talton - Killed
Captn Hobson - -
Captn Beckworth - -
Captn Getkins - Killed
Lieut Falconer - -
Lieut Littler - Wounded
Lieut Baley - -
Lieut Dunbar - Wounded
Lieut Pattenger - -
Lieut Halket - Killed
Lieut Freeby - Wounded
Lieut Allen - Killed
Lieut Simpson - Wounded
Lieut Lock - Wounded
Turn Over [2]
44 Regt continued
Disney - Wounded
Kenedy - Wounded
Townsend - Killed
Preston - -
Narthow - Killed
Pennington - Wounded
48th Regiment
Lieut Coll Burton - Wounded
Major Sparks - Slightly Wounded
Captn Dobson - -
Captn Cholmby - Killed
Captn Bowyer - Wounded
Captn Ross - Wounded
Captn Lieut Morris - -
Barbut - Wounded
Walsham - Wounded
Crimble - Killed
Wideman - Killed
Hansard - Killed
Gladwin - Wounded
Hathorn - -
Edmiston Wounded
Cope - -
Bereton - Killed
Hart - Killed
Monstrefeur - Wounded
Dunbar - -
Harrison - -
Cowhart - -
McMullen - Wounded
Crow - Wounded
Sterling - Wounded
Turn Over [3]
Artillery
Captn Ord. - -
Captn Lieut Smith - Killed
Lieut Buchannon - Wounded
Lieut McCloud - Wounded
Lieut McCuller - Wounded
Engineers
Peter McKeller Esqr - Wounded
Robt. Gordon Esqr - Wounded
Williamson Esqr - Wounded
Detachment of Sailors
Lieut Spendelow - Killed
Mr Haynes Midshipman - -
Mr Talbot Midshipman - Killed
Captn Stone of Genl Lassells Regiment - Killed
Captn Floyer of Genl Warburtons Regimt - Wounded
Indepent Compny of N York
Captn Gates - Wounded
Lieut Sournain - Killed
Lieut Miller - -
Lieut. Howarth of Captn Demeries Independt Compy - Wounded
Lieut Gray of the Same Compy - Wounded
Virginia Troops
Captn Stephens - Wounded
Captn Waggoner - -
Captn Polson - Killed
Captn Peronie - Killed
Captn Stewart - -
Hamilton Killed
Turn over [4]
Virginia Troops Continued
Woodward - -
Wright - Killed
Splitdroff - Killed
Stuart - Wounded
Waggoner - Killed
Mac Neal - -
According to the most exact Return we can as yet get, about 600 Men killed & Wounded

[inserted: 36 Wounded
25 Killed
21 Returned
82
1 Genl Died of his wounds
83]

[docket]
Report of Battle Monongahela.

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Braddock’s Defeat: Part 10

The account of General Braddock’s expedition to Fort Duquesne in 1755:

Part 10: ‘The Battle on the Monongahela on 9th July 1755.

Emanuel Leutze’s “Washington at the Battle of the Monongahela.” The British troops portrayed are wearing Revolutionary War uniforms: Death of General Edward Braddock on the Monongahela River on 9th July 1755 in the French and Indian War

The previous section on Braddock’s defeat on the Monongahela in 1755 is Part 9: Braddock’s army’s march from Little Meadows to the Monongahela River May to June 1755.

Map of General Braddock’s march from Fort Cumberland to Fort Duquesne on the Monongahela River, May to July 1755, showing A Spendlow’s Path and camps at 1 Grove 2 Martin’s 3 Little Meadows 4 Laurel 5 Bear 6 Great Crossing 7 Scalping 8 Steep Bank 9 Spring 10 Gist’s 11 Stewart’s 12 Main Crossing 13 Terrapin 14 Jacob’s 15 Salt Lick 16 Hillside 17 Ride 18 Turtle 19 Sugar: Map by John Fawkes

The Army’s formation for the final march on 9 th July 1755:

Advanced party (commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Gage):

Party of ‘Guides’ comprising a group of around 10 Native Americans led by Chief Monocatotha and 6 mounted soldiers of Captain Robert Stewart’s Troop of Virginia Light Horse.

The senior grenadier companies of the 44 th and 48 th Regiments and Captain Gates’ New York Independent Company.

Two 6 pounder field guns with their crews and ammunition carts (after the Monongahela River crossing these two field guns and their wagons moved behind Sir John Saint Clair’s road building party).

100 battalion soldiers from the 44 th and 48 th Regiments commanded by Captain Cholmley of the 48 th forming the guard for the two 6 pounder field guns.

Colonel Sir John Saint Clair’s road building party comprising Captain Polson’s Company of Carpenters and Captain Peyrouney’s company of Virginia Rangers accompanied by the engineers McKellar and Gordon.

The road making party’s tool wagons

Indian shot during the attack on Braddock’s army 9th July 1755 on the Monongahela

The Main Army (General Braddock)

Captain Robert Stewart’s Troop of Virginia Light Horse

Contingent of seamen and pioneers

Three 12 pounder field guns with ammunition carts

A van guard of battalion soldiers from the 44 th and 48 th Regiments commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Burton

The column of some 35 wagons in single file, 3 or 4 of them provision wagons, with the remaining body of troops from the 44 th and 48 th in files on each side and the cattle and carrying horses between the files and the flank guards in the woods.

A 12 pounder field gun with the ammunition carts of the artillery train.

Engineer Gordon records in his letter of 22 nd July 1755 (Pargellis) that Braddock’s section of the army carried with it 4 howitzers and 3 coehorns in addition to the 6 and12 pounders.

The Rearguard

Captain Waggoner’s and Captain Adam Steven’s Companies of Virginia Rangers.

The length of the whole column was probably around ¾ mile. The rear of the army was still at the crossing of the Monongehela when the French and their Native American allies began the attack at the front.

Orme’s and McKellar’s maps of the battle show Braddock’s army as having flank guards at a distance from the main line of march on each flank from Gage’s force to the rear. Orme shows the main army as having inner flank guards of a subaltern and 20 men and outer flank guards of a sergeant and 10 grenadiers. Both these maps are in the Cumberland Papers at Windsor Castle and are similar in many respects. Both maps show Saint Clair’s working party in front of the two 6 pounders whereas Captain Cholmley’s batman states that he was part of the escort for these guns commanded by Cholmley and that they found it arduous going because the guns were ‘in front of the road making party’.

British and American troops dragging a 6 pounder field gun in General Braddock’s advance to the Monongahela in 1755

Braddock’s troops marched on the morning of 9 th July 1755 with some anxiety. The march on 8 th July had been difficult and involved crossing the Sewickley Creek or Long Run some twelve times. The army had encamped part of the way down a long valley that led to the Monongahela River. The march on the 8 th had been conducted with all precautions against surprise, with parties of troops on each of the heights on either side of the valley. There was a general shortage of food. Captain Cholmley’s batman reported that some men had nothing to eat on 8 th July.

A Mingo Iroquois Warrior of the Ohio Region

Careful plans were laid for the march on the next day that would take the army up to Fort DuQuesne, the French fort that was the army’s destination.

Sir John Saint Clair, the deputy quartermaster general, proposed to Captain Orme that a party be sent on to reconnoitre the fort. Orme records that Sir John made this suggestion to him but not to Braddock. Unfortunately this militarily sound proposal was not taken up. The deputy quartermaster general, a Scotsman, was not one of the officers whose opinion was listened to by Braddock and his immediate entourage.

The advice of Christopher Gist, the general’s guide, was that it was too hazardous to march along the northern bank of the Monongahela, as there were steep cliffs over a narrow path along the riverbank. His advice was that the army should cross the Monongahela at the southern end of the valley, march along the southern bank of the Monongahela some 7 miles to the point opposite Frazier’s Cabin just beyond the junction of Turtle Creek and the Monongahela River, cross to the north bank and continue the march through the forest to Fort Duquesne.

A soldier of the 48th Foot on the march to Fort DuQuesne in Western Pennsylvania. The British soldiers left their uniform coats in Alexandria and marched in their waistcoats: Illustration by Mark Dennis of Petaluma and St Andrews.

It was generally felt in Braddock’s army that the French would finally oppose the advance at one of the positions that had to be passed to reach Fort Du Quesne perhaps in the woods during the advance to the river or at the first crossing of the Monongahela to the south bank or at the crossing back to the north bank. It seemed inconceivable that there would not be a fight at one of these points. It is an indicator of the senior officers’ expectation of French resistance that all troops were ordered to load with ball, as opposed to just pickets and certain guards as on earlier days in the march.

The army was to be led by the advance party under Lieutenant Colonel Gage and the working party of carpenters and pioneers to cut the road, supervised by Colonel Sir John Saint Clair and the three engineers who had performed this unrewarding function faithfully during the whole march.

Gage’s leading troops left Turtle Camp at 2am to march down the final section of the valley to the Monongahela River. The main section of the army followed at 4am.

Gage’s party reached the Monongahela River and crossed to the south bank. They marched west along the southern bank for some seven miles. Cholmely’s party had particular difficulty manhandling the two 6 pounders through the woods and scrub as the road making party was behind them.

The point at which Braddock’s army would cross back to the north bank of the Monongahela was immediately to the west of where Turtle Creek joins the main river, marking the end of the cliff along the northern river bank. Fraser, the trader and erstwhile officer of the Virginia Regiment, had his cabin here.

French Regiment La Marine: the few regular French troops at Fort DuQuesne were from this regiment: co-incindentally the regimental number was 44th.

Captain Cholmley’s batman described how Gage’s force formed order of battle on the southern bank and crossed the 300 yards of the Monongahela, wheeling the two 6 pounder field guns through the water, which he described as being knee-high. On the far side the soldiers found a precipitous bank, described by Engineer Gordon as at least 12 feet high, that had to be broken down to get the guns and waggons out of the river. During this process Cholmley’s batman stated that ‘some saw Indians and some did not’.

The expectation in the British army was that this was the last opportunity for the French and their Native American allies to mount a defence against them if there was to be any resistance.

Gage’s troops moved across the river in order of battle and scrambled up the far bank. There were no French troops or Native Americans to resist them.

By 9.30am Captain Cholmley’s artillery guard was also across the Monongahela and waiting on the north bank with sentries posted. Captain Cholmeley’s batman described that he ate his breakfast, ‘although only 1 soldier in 20 had anything to eat’.

At 10.30am the deputy quartermaster general’s working party came across the river.

At 11am the main army came up and began to cross the river, as working parties cut down the high riverbank on the north side.

Gage’s party and the two 6 pounder guns and escort moved off towards Fort DuQuesne, followed by Saint Clair’s party. Captain Cholmeley’s batman recorded: “So we began our march again beating the Grenadier’s March all the way

It is clear from this description and others that once Braddock’s army crossed the Monongahela River there was a change of atmosphere from the earlier apprehension of battle. Engineer Gordon recorded: Every one who saw these Banks, Being Above 12 feet perpendicularly high Above the Shire, & the Course of the River 300 yards Broad, hugg’d themselves with joy at our Good Luck in having surmounted our greatest Difficultys, & too hastily Concluded the Enemy never wou’d dare to Oppose us.”

Lieutenant Colonel Gage’s advanced guard of General Braddock’s army crossing the Monongahela River for the final march to Fort DuQuesne on 9th July 1755: by John Fawkes

Once they had crossed the river the various components of Braddock’s column moved off into the forest, turning west towards Fort DuQuesne as they passed Frasier’s Cabin. The fifes and drums played and the atmosphere would perhaps best be described as jaunty.

A number of more experienced soldiers associated with Braddock’s army had at various times urged the establishment of fortified bases as the army moved forward, to provide points of defence in case of difficulty. Governor Sharpe and Sir John Saint Clair made this suggestion. No doubt others did as well, perhaps including the Virginia officers who had fought in 1754. This advice was rejected, on occasions contemptuously, by Braddock and Orme. In his uncompromising refusal Braddock may well have been influenced by the Duke of Cumberland’s caustic comment that the American colonials seemed over-fond of forts.

At this late stage ordinary military prudence might have caused General Braddock to establish a position on the Monongahela and to hold the column of transport back while a force moved forward to establish the true situation at Fort DuQuesne. As it was, Braddock’s officers seem to have abandoned many of the precautions adopted during the march so far.

The anonymous letter written to Cumberland and ascribed by Pargellis to Captain Gabriel Christie, Saint Clair’s deputy stated: “… One thing cannot escape me, which is, that had our march been executed in the same manner the 9 th as it was the 8 th , I shou’d have stood a fair chance of writing from fort Du Quesne, instead of being in the hospital at Wills’s Creek.”

This is presumably a reference to the deployment of large forces to the heights on the army’s flanks during the march on 8 th July, with troops being sent to examine and occupy any eminence or position that might hide an ambush, precautions fatally absent on the following day.

Several accounts record that the close scrubby vegetation that had made the march so difficult so far, as the army began its march away from the river, gave way to open forest with very little under vegetation. One recorded that it would have been possible to drive a carriage through the woods.

Map of General Braddock’s defeat at the Battle of the Monongahela on 9th July 1755: by John Fawkes

The Battle on the Monongahela on 9th July 1755:

As Braddock’s relaxed soldiers marched to within seven miles of Fort DuQuesne a force of French soldiers and allied Native Americans came down the path towards them. The best estimates put the size of this force at around 300, mostly Native Americans with a small number of French Canadians and French regular troops.

General Braddock’s army at the Battle on the River Monongahelaon 9th July 1755

Engineer Gordon recorded how the battle began: “Gage’s party march’d By files four Deep our front had not Got above half a Mile from the Banks of the River, when the Guides which were all the Scouts we had, & who were Before only about 200 yards Came Back, & told a Considerable Body of the Enemy, Mostly Indians were at hand, I was then just rode up in Search of these Guides, had Got Before the Grenadiers, had an Opportunity of viewing the Enemy, & was Confirm’d By the Reports of the Guides & what I saw myself that their whole Numbers did not exceed 300.”

The French and Native Americans on seeing the British troops divided and ran down each of the British flanks firing at the troops from the cover of the trees. Those coming down the British right flank took possession of an area of high ground that overlooked the British troops. The British flank parties each comprising an officer and twenty men were quickly overwhelmed.

The soldiers of Gage’s grenadier companies formed line with the front rank kneeling on the ground and opened fire, maintaining their fire for several minutes and suffering some ten or twelve casualties. They can have had few targets as the attackers had swiftly moved around their flanks in the cover of the trees. However one of earliest of the few French casualties was their commander Captain Beaujeu, dressed as a Native American except for the officer’s gold gorgette hanging around his neck, shot dead by Gage’s grenadiers.

The appearance of the Native Americans on the high ground to the right caused Gage to order his men to withdraw 50 or 60 paces, ‘where they confusedly formed again.’(Engineer Gordon) Many of the British officers were by this time casualties, being particular targets for the hostile fire.

The French commander Beaujeu leads the first assault on General Braddock’s column before being shot dead

Captain Cholmley’s batman continued his account: “About half an hour after ten the working party came over the river and about at eleven the grand army begins to come over. As soon as they came to the river we rec’d orders to march on again. Sir John Sincklare asked Colonel Gage if he would take the two piece of cannon with us again. Colonel Gage answered, no sir I think not, for I do not think we shall have much occasion for them and they being troublesome to get forwards before the roads are cut. So we began our march again, beating the grannadiers march all the way, never seasing. There never was an army in the world in more spirits then we where, thinking of reaching Fort de Cain the day following as we was then only five miles from it. But we had not got above a mile and a half before three of our guides in the front of me above ten yards spyed the Indiens lay’d down before us. He immediately discharged his piece, turned round his horse cried, the indiens was upon us. My master called me to give me his horse which I tooke from him and the ingagement began. Immediately they began to ingage us in a half moon and still continued surrounding us more and more. Before the whole army got up we had about two thirds of our men cut of that ingaged at the first. My master died before we was ten minuits ingaged. They continualy make us retreat, they having always a large marke to shoute at and we having only to shoute at them behind trees or laid on their bellies. We was drawn up in large bodies together, a ready mark. They need not have taken sight at us for they always had a large mark, but if we saw of them five or six at onetime was a great sight and they either on their bellies or behind trees or runing from one tree to another almost by the ground. The genll had five horses shot under him. He always strove to keep the men together but I believe their might be two hundred of the American soldiers that fought behind trees and I belive they did the moast execution of any. Our Indians behaved very well for the small quantity of them. …”

Braddock hearing the outburst of firing from the vanguard rushed forward with his ADCs leading a substantial force from the main army. The anonymous officer described this advance: “upon the alarm of the advance fire, the General immediately rode to the front and his aid-du-camps after him, some officers after them, and more men without any form or order but that of a parcel of school boys Coming out of school- and in an instant, Blue, buff and yellow were intermix’d (that is the Virginian Rangers, 44 th and 48 th ).”

Some accounts of the battle have Braddock ordering Burton with the vanguard of the main army forward while he and his ADCs assembled the main force from its position along the flanks of the wagon column.

The vanguard grenadiers with Saint Clair’s and Cholmeley’s parties again began to retire but met the men of the main army rushing forward.

Burton’s advancing vanguard or Braddock’s main army, or both, opened fire on Gage’s retreating men inflicting significant casualties on them, particularly on the two Virginian companies which are likely to have been the first troops they saw.

James Wolfe in his letter commenting on Braddock’s defeat stated that the lack of proper discipline in British infantry regiments made them liable to fire on anybody, friend or foe.

General Braddock’s troops ambushed by the force of French and Native Americans at the Monongahela River on 9th July 1755

Braddock’s troops formed a mass up to 20 deep, firing as quickly as they could reload, but without having a target. Several officers commented after the battle that they only ever saw one or two Native Americans at a time during the fight.

The Royal Artillery crews of the two 6 pounders with the advanced guard seem to have stayed to serve their guns and died with them.

The repeated firing of muskets and field guns generated a heavy pall of smoke that was hemmed in by the tree canopy, preventing the soldiers from seeing who they were firing at and further encouraging the general sense of panic.

General Braddock ordered Burton to take a body of men and storm the hill to the right, the source of some of the most devastating enemy fire.

Engineer Gordon recorded: “The General Order’d the officers to Endeavor to tell off 150 men, & Advance up the hill to Dispossess the Enemy, & another party to Advance on the Left to support the two 12 pounders & Artillery people, who were in great Danger of Being Drove away By the Enemy, at that time in possession of the 2 field pieces of the Advanc’d party. This was the General’s Last Order he had Before this time 4 horses killed under him, & now Receiv’d his Mortal wound. All the Officers us’d their Utmost Endearvors to Get the men to Advance up the hill, & to Advance on the left to support the Cannon. But the Enemy’s fire at that time very much Encreasing, & a Number of officers who were Rushing on in the front to Encourage the men Being killed & wounded, there was Nothing to Be seen But the Utmost panick & Confusion amongst the Men yet those officers who had Been wounded having Return’d, & those that were not Wounded, By Exhorting & threatening had influence to kep a Body about 200 and Longer in the field, but cou’d not perswade them Either to Attempt the hill again, or Advance far Enough to support the Cannon, whose officers & men were Mostly kill’d & wounded. The Cannon silenc’d, & the Indian’s shouts upon the Right Advancing, the whole Body gave way, & Cross’d the Monongahela where we had pass’d in the Morning. With great Difficulty the General & his Aid de Camps who were both wounded were taken out of a Waggon, & hurryed along across the River

Burton and his officers tried to lead the soldiers to the attack but they would not advance out of the main body and eventually Burton was hit and most of his officers killed or wounded as they tried to give their men a lead by rushing into the woods.

The British force lost cohesion with officers, some mounted, attempting various initiatives to try and resolve the situation, with no response from the panic stricken soldiers, who simply discharged their muskets.

During the three hours of the battle the French Native Americans remained largely unseen, firing from behind cover and advancing as the British fell back on the column of wagons. Braddock had four horses shot from under him and was hit by a round which struck his arm and penetrated his chest, fatally wounding him. Many of the other officers were wounded: Orme, Gage, Burton and Saint Clair. Halkett and his son were killed, as were Cholmley, Tatton, Polson, Peyrouney and many of the junior officers.

The Battle on the Monongahela: Major General Edward Braddock falls from his horse, mortally wounded

Several attempts were made to advance and rescue the two 6 pounders of the advance party, but the groups were shot down, in part by other British soldiers firing into the gloom at anyone they could see in the trees.

The army was pressed back on the wagon column where panic stricken drivers, Daniel Boone among them, cut the horses free and rode back to the ford over the Monongahela and crossed the river, leaving the wagons to the French.

Washington and Orme persuaded some soldiers by offering them money to assist in getting the wounded Braddock into a cart and back across the river.

It is probably at this point that the Virginia Rangers of the rearguard commanded by Waggoner and Stevens were directed by their Virginian officers to take cover in the trees rather than huddle in the pathway.

There was a mad scramble by the soldiers to get away from the scene of the battle and back across the Monongahela.

Engineer Gordon recorded his escape: “I am a Good Deal hurt in the Right Arm, having Receiv’d a Shot which went thro’ & shatter’d the Bone, half way Between the Elbow & the wrist this I had Early, & altho’ I felt a Good deal of pain, yet I was too Anxious to allow myself to Quit the field at the last my horse having Receiv’d three shots, I had hardly time to shift the Saddle on another without the Bridle, when the whole gave way. The passage that was made thro the Bank in the Morning, I found Choack’d up I was oblig’d to tumble over the high Bank, which Luckily Being of Sand, part of it fell along with me, which kept my horse upon his feet, & I fortunately kept his Back. Before I had got 40 yards in the River, I turn’d about on hearing the Indians Yell, & Saw them Tomohocking some of our women & wounded people, others of them fir’d very Briskly on those that were then Crossing, at which time I Receiv’d Another Shot thro’s the Right Shoulder. But the horse I Rode Escaping, I got across the River, & soon came up with the General, Coll Burton, & the rest of the officers & men that were along with them, & Continued along with them in the Utmost pain, my wounds not having Been Dress’d until I came to Guest’s.”

Indians scalping British troops and women in the attack on General Braddock’s army 9th July 1755 on the Monongahela

Most of the French-led Native Americans remained on the main battlefield, tomahawking and scalping the wounded. Some 50 followed the British to the river and fired into the mass of soldiers as they re-crossed the Monongahela, but none followed across the river. Nevertheless the panic-stricken soldiers kept going.

At a point about half a mile back along the southern bank of the Monongahela Lieutenant Colonel Burton attempted to rally some of the troops and take up a position. None of the soldiers would stay and the retreat continued.

Braddock was brought off the field by a group of officers, Orme, Stewart, Morris and Washington in particular, and conveyed back to Gist’s in a cart.

Indian standing on a British cannon after the Battle on the Monongahela 9th July-1755

Colonel Dunbar with his following force was at Rock Camp when the survivors from Braddock’s force began to arrive, led by the mounted wagon drivers. Orme arrived with the dying Braddock at about 10pm on 10 th July 1755.

As soon as they heard of the disaster Dunbar’s troops began to desert and make their way back to Will’s Creek or off into the country and the remainder ceased to be amenable to discipline. Dunbar was widely blamed for what now happened. The army began a wholesale destruction of the stores and equipment that remained, including burning and burying the guns and carriages. Artillery was at a premium in America and the loss of the guns was a major blow.

Dunbar’s subsequent explanation was that there were not the horses to bring the artillery and equipment back from Rock Fort. It is apparent that even if Dunbar had been of a mind to try and hold a position that far forward he did not have soldiers who were prepared to stay and such wagons and horse teams as there were were needed to convey the large number of surviving wounded.

Mortally wounded, General Edward Braddock is carried back from the Monongahela to Great Meadows Camp where he died on 12th July 1755: picture by Alonzo Chappel

On 13 th July the army retreated to the Great Meadows Camp where General Braddock died. He was buried and his grave site carefully covered over to avoid his body being dug up and desecrated.

The burial of Major General Edward Braddock after the battle on the Monongahela, shown in an idealised print. After the burial, waggons were driven across the site to ensure it could not be found by the French and Indians presumed to be pursuing the beaten army.

Dunbar continued the retreat to Fort Cumberland arriving on 22 nd July 1755. The survivors from Braddock’s force were without arms, equipment or in many cases proper clothing.

On 2 nd August 1755 Dunbar marched out of Fort Cumberland for Philadelphia to ‘go into Winter Quarters,’ leaving the western counties of Maryland, Pennsylvania and Virginia open to a wave of Native American assaults inspired by the French.

Idealised post US Independence picture ‘Washington at the Battle of the Monongahela’. No British officer or soldiers are shown, other than the wounded General Braddock: Death of General Edward Braddock on the Monongahela River on 9th July 1755 in the French and Indian War

The previous section on Braddock’s defeat on the Monongahela in 1755 is Part 9: Braddock’s army’s march from Little Meadows to the Monongahela River May to June 1755.


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