Notícia

London County Council

London County Council

O London County Council (LCC) foi criado em 1889 como resultado da Lei do Governo Local de 1888. O LCC foi a primeira forma de governo geral local em âmbito metropolitano. As eleições foram realizadas em janeiro de 1889 e o Partido Progressista conquistou setenta das 118 cadeiras. O novo conselho reuniu-se sob a presidência do conde de Rosebery. Os membros do grupo governante incluíam Sidney Webb (que se tornou presidente do Comitê de Instrução Técnica), Will Crooks (presidente do Comitê de Controle Público), John Benn, John Burns e Ben Tillett. Influenciado pelos membros radicais, o LCC assumiu um papel de liderança na reforma escolar e no planejamento da cidade.


Em resumo - Londres do início do século 20

County Hall, escritórios do London County Council, inaugurados em 1922 no lado sul da Westminster Bridge. Naquela época ele estava inacabado, daí sua falta de simetria nesta fotografia. Foi construído no local dos escritórios anteriores da Junta Metropolitana de Obras e vários cais e fábricas. Serviu como sede do governo local de Londres até 1986.

Mapas de danos de bomba da Câmara Municipal de Londres

Os Mapas de Danos de Bomba foram anotados extensivamente com o uso de chaves de cores pelo Departamento de Arquitetos do Conselho do Condado de Londres (LCC) para indicar, edifício por edifício, danos causados ​​por bombas em Londres durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Este é o registro mais detalhado de danos ao ambiente construído da capital, causados ​​por bombardeios aéreos. Uma fonte icônica e multicamadas para a experiência de guerra de Londres e suas consequências, ele transmite dados de pesquisa complexos na tradição do mapa Leake & rsquos Great Fire, mapa de uso da terra de Milne & rsquos, mapas geológicos de Mylne & rsquos e mapas de pobreza de Booth & rsquos.

Usados ​​frequentemente por arquitetos, agrimensores, planejadores urbanos e historiadores locais e familiares que buscam informações sobre o grau preciso de danos sofridos por propriedades em 117 milhas quadradas da região de Londres de 1940-1945, os mapas são um símbolo da resistência dos londrinos à adversidade e destaque o enorme esforço e previsão do LCC para servir Londres e os londrinos em sua & lsquohour of need & rsquo. Usados ​​por Patrick Abercrombie e John Henry Forshaw na elaboração do Plano do Condado de Londres (1943) e do Plano da Grande Londres (1944) para reconstruir a capital no período pós-guerra, os mapas são uma fonte fundamental para os estudos do pós-guerra planejamento urbano em Londres e no Reino Unido.

Os mapas de danos da bomba foram inscritos no Registro do Memória do Mundo da UNESCO no Reino Unido.

Os mapas de danos de bomba estão disponíveis para consulta no LMA como cópias coloridas de fac-símile ou como cópias digitais em nosso aplicativo & lsquoMagnifying the Metropolis & rsquo em nossa área de Mediatheque.


London County Council - História

Londres é um mundo em si, e seus registros abrangem uma história mundial. (Garwood viii)

Introdução

As origens das favelas de Londres datam de meados do século XVIII, quando a população de Londres, ou & ldquoGreat Wen, como William Cobbett a chamou, começou a crescer a uma taxa sem precedentes. Na última década do século XIX, a população de Londres cresceu para quatro milhões, o que gerou uma grande demanda por moradias baratas. As favelas de Londres surgiram inicialmente como resultado do rápido crescimento populacional e da industrialização. Eles se tornaram famosos pela superlotação, condições de vida pouco higiênicas e miseráveis. A maioria dos vitorianos abastados ignorava ou fingia ignorar a vida subumana nas favelas, e muitos que ouviram falar dela acreditavam que as favelas eram o resultado da preguiça, do pecado e do vício das classes mais baixas. No entanto, uma série de escritores socialmente conscientes, investigadores sociais, reformadores morais, pregadores e jornalistas, que buscaram solução para esta doença urbana na segunda metade do século XIX, argumentaram de forma convincente que o crescimento das favelas foi causado pela pobreza, desemprego, exclusão e falta de moradia.

As favelas do leste de Londres

Duas das representações da vida de Phil May no East End: East End Loafers e A Street-Row no East End.

As áreas de favela mais notórias situavam-se no leste de Londres, que costumava ser chamada de "Londres mais sombria", uma terra incógnita para cidadãos respeitáveis. No entanto, também existiam favelas em outras partes de Londres, por ex. St. Giles e Clerkenwell no centro de Londres, Devil's Acre perto da Abadia de Westminster, Jacob's Island em Bermondsey, na margem sul do rio Tâmisa, Mint em Southwark e Pottery Lane em Notting Hill.

Nas últimas décadas da era vitoriana, o leste de Londres era habitado predominantemente pelas classes trabalhadoras, que consistiam na população inglesa nativa, imigrantes irlandeses, muitos dos quais viviam em extrema pobreza, e imigrantes da Europa Central e Oriental, principalmente russos pobres, poloneses e Judeus alemães, que encontraram abrigo em grande número em Whitechapel e nas áreas adjacentes de St. George's-in-the-East e Mile End.

Whitechapel

Duas vistas de Whitechapel por Joseph Pennell: uma fábrica de East End e lojas de Whitechapel.

Whitechapel era o centro do East End vitoriano. No final do século XVII, era um distrito relativamente próspero. No entanto, algumas de suas áreas começaram a se deteriorar em meados do século XVIII e, na segunda metade do século XIX, ficaram superlotadas e infestadas pelo crime.

Whitechapel, do Illustrated London News de 1849.

Muitas famílias pobres viviam amontoadas em acomodações de um quarto, sem saneamento e ventilação adequada. Havia também mais de 200 pensões comuns que abrigavam cerca de 8.000 desabrigados e pessoas carentes por noite. Margaret Harkness, pesquisadora social e escritora, alugou um quarto em Whitechapel para fazer observações diretas da degradação da vida nas favelas. Ela descreveu o asilo de South Grove em seu romance na favela, In Darkest London:

A Whitechapel Union é uma casa de trabalho modelo, ou seja, é a Lei dos Pobres encarnada na pedra e no tijolo. Os homens não podem fumar nele, nem mesmo quando estão senil as moças nunca provam o chá, e os velhos não podem se deliciar com uma xícara nas longas tardes, só às seis e meia da manhã. e à noite, quando recebem um pequeno pedaço de pão com manteiga raspada na superfície, e uma caneca daquela bebida que tanto amam seus corações como seus estômagos. Os jovens nunca saem, nunca vêem um visitante e os mais velhos só tiram uma folga no mês. Em seguida, os indigentes idosos podem ser vistos pulando como lambkins fora das portas da Bastilha, enquanto tagarelam para seus amigos e parentes. Um pouco de mingau de manhã e à noite, carne duas vezes por semana, essa é a comida dos adultos, temperada com muito trabalho e disciplina carcerária. Sem dúvida, esta Bastilha não premia os hábitos ociosos e imprevidentes, mas o que dizer da mulher ou do homem, mutilado pelo infortúnio, que deve chegar lá ou morrer na rua? Por que os idosos deveriam ser punidos por sua existência? [143]

Whitechapel foi o palco de assassinatos cometidos no final da década de 1880 contra várias mulheres pelo assassino em série anônimo, chamado Jack, o Estripador, que provavelmente vivia nos arredores de Flower e Dean Street. A imprensa nacional, que noticiou detalhadamente os assassinatos de Whitechapel, também revelou ao público leitor a terrível privação e a extrema pobreza dos moradores das favelas do leste de Londres. Como resultado, o Conselho do Condado de Londres tentou se livrar das piores favelas introduzindo vários programas de remoção de favelas, mas no final do século XIX poucos esquemas de habitação para os pobres foram implementados. Jack London, que explorou as condições de vida dos pobres em Whitechapel por seis semanas em 1902, ficou surpreso com a miséria e a superlotação das favelas de Whitechapel. Ele escreveu um livro sobre seus miseráveis ​​habitantes e deu-lhe o título de O Povo do Abismo.

Spitalfields

Spitalfields, que recebeu o nome de St. Mary's Spittel (hospital) para leprosos, já foi habitada por prósperos tecelões de seda huguenotes franceses, mas no início do século 19 seus descendentes foram reduzidos a uma condição deplorável devido à competição dos têxteis de Manchester fábricas e a área começaram a se deteriorar em favelas infestadas de crimes. As espaçosas e belas casas huguenotes foram divididas em pequenas residências que foram alugadas por famílias pobres de trabalhadores, que procuravam emprego nas docas próximas.

Três das representações da vida de Leonard Raven-Hill no East End: A Corner in Petticoat Lane, The Hooligans e A 'Schnorrer' (Beggar) of the Ghetto ".

Na segunda metade do século XIX, Spitalfields tornou-se o lar de judeus holandeses e alemães e, mais tarde, de massas de pobres imigrantes judeus poloneses e russos. Brick Lane, que passa por Spitalfields, era habitada na década de 1880 principalmente por imigrantes judeus ortodoxos da Europa Oriental. No início da década de 1890, uma série de shuls (sinagogas) e chevrots (pequenos locais de culto) foram abertos em Spitalfields e nas áreas vizinhas. O Abrigo Temporário para Judeus foi criado em 1886 na Leman Street para novos imigrantes que chegavam em Londres vindos da Europa Oriental.

Muitas instituições filantrópicas estavam ativas em Spitalfields na segunda metade do século XIX. Em 1860, pe. Daniel Gilbert e as Irmãs da Misericórdia abriram um refúgio noturno para mulheres e crianças carentes em Providence Row. O banqueiro e filantropo americano George Peabody criou uma fundação, que construiu as primeiras moradias melhoradas para os & ldquoartisans e trabalhadores pobres de Londres & rdquo na Commercial Street em 1864. No entanto, todos esses empreendimentos foram inadequados para a melhoria das condições de vida dos pobres . Arthur Morrison descreveu as favelas de Brick Lane e seus arredores no The Palace Journal como lugares de escuridão onde viviam os vermes humanos & ldquohumanos:

Pretas e fedorentas, a estrada pegajosa de lodo e casas paralisadas, apodrecidas da chaminé ao porão, encostadas umas nas outras, aparentemente pela mera coerência de sua corrupção enraizada. Sombras escuras, silenciosas e inquietas passando e cruzando - vermes humanos nesta pia fedorenta, como exalações de goblins de tudo o que é nocivo ao redor. Mulheres com olhos fundos, de bordas pretas, cujos rostos pálidos aparecem e desaparecem à luz de uma lâmpada de gás ocasional, e parecem tão com crânios mal cobertos que começamos a olhar para eles. [1023]

Bethnal Green

Bethnal Green era um local de manufatura em pequena escala e habitações miseráveis ​​para a classe trabalhadora. O principal empregador local era a Allen & Hanbury's, uma das maiores fábricas do East End, que produzia produtos farmacêuticos e médicos. Nas últimas três décadas do século XIX, tornou-se uma área de extrema pobreza e favelas superlotadas. Em 1884, Keble College, Oxford University, estabeleceu Oxford House Settlement em Bethnal Green como parte de sua atividade filantrópica, que consistia em fornecer trabalho religioso, social e educacional, bem como recreação saudável para os pobres de East London. O assentamento abrigava um clube masculino, academia e biblioteca. Os habitantes da classe trabalhadora podiam ouvir palestras, leituras bíblicas e concertos. Os residentes de Oxford House eram membros socialmente conscientes das classes superiores que queriam se familiarizar com as sórdidas condições de vida dos pobres e, ao mesmo tempo, estabelecer melhores relacionamentos entre classes com base na fraternidade cristã e na benevolência.

O velho nichol

O Old Nichol, situado entre High Street, Shoreditch e Bethnal Green, era considerado a pior favela do East End. Consistia em 20 ruas estreitas contendo 730 casas com terraço em ruínas que eram habitadas por cerca de 6.000 pessoas. O London County Council (LCC) decidiu limpar as favelas Old Nichol na década de 1890, e o primeiro conjunto habitacional municipal na Grã-Bretanha, chamado Boundary Estate, foi construído em seu lugar pouco antes de 1900. As condições deploráveis ​​do Old Nichol foram imortalizadas de Arthur Morrison em seu romance na favela, The Child of the Jago.

Favela

No final da era vitoriana, o East End de Londres se tornou um destino popular para favelas, um novo fenômeno que surgiu na década de 1880 em uma escala sem precedentes. Para alguns, a favela era uma forma peculiar de turismo motivada pela curiosidade, emoção e emoção, outros eram motivados por razões morais, religiosas e altruístas. A privação econômica, social e cultural dos moradores de favelas atraiu na segunda metade do século XIX a atenção de vários grupos das classes média e alta, que incluíam filantropos, missionários religiosos, trabalhadores de caridade, pesquisadores sociais, escritores e também pessoas ricas em busca de diversões desrespeitosas. Já em 1884, o The New York Times publicou um artigo sobre favelas que se espalhou de Londres a Nova York.

As favelas começaram em Londres [...] com a curiosidade de ver os pontos turísticos, e quando ficou na moda ir 'favelas' senhoras e senhores foram induzidos a vestir roupas comuns e sair nas rodovias e becos para ver pessoas de quem tinham ouvido falar , mas de quem eles eram tão ignorantes como se fossem habitantes de um país estranho. [14 de setembro de 1884]

Nas décadas de 1880 e 1890, um grande número de mulheres e homens de classe média e alta estavam envolvidos na caridade e no trabalho social, especialmente nas favelas do East End. A imprensa nacional cobriu amplamente notícias chocantes e sensacionalistas das favelas. A ansiedade e a curiosidade sobre as favelas podiam ser ouvidas em muitos debates públicos nessa medida, como escreve Seth Koven:

Na década de 1890, os guias de Londres, como o Baedeker's, não apenas direcionavam os visitantes a lojas, monumentos e igrejas, mas também mapeavam excursões a instituições filantrópicas mundialmente conhecidas localizadas em bairros de favela notórios, como Whitechapel e Shoreditch. [1]

Na verdade, para um número considerável de cavalheiros e damas vitorianos, as favelas eram uma forma de turismo urbano ilícito. Eles visitaram as ruas mais carentes do East End em busca dos 'prazeres da culpa' associados aos moradores de favelas imorais. Os favelados da classe alta às vezes passavam uma noite ou mais disfarçados em pensões pobres, procurando experimentar intimidades tabu com os membros das classes mais baixas. Suas relações sexuais entre classes contribuíram para diminuir as barreiras de classe e remodelar as relações de gênero na virada do século XIX.

No entanto, a favela não se limitava apenas a diversões estranhas. Nas últimas duas décadas da era vitoriana, um número crescente de missionários, assistentes sociais e investigadores, políticos, jornalistas e escritores de ficção, bem como "benfeitores" e filantropos da classe média, visitavam frequentemente as favelas do East End para ver como os pobres viviam. Vários senhores e mulheres faveladas decidiram fixar residência temporária no East End para coletar dados sobre a natureza e extensão da pobreza e privação. Alguns favelados se disfarçaram em trajes de classe baixa a fim de transgredir os limites de classe e se misturarem livremente com os habitantes pobres das favelas. Relatos escritos ou orais de suas observações em primeira mão despertaram a consciência pública e a motivação para fornecer programas de bem-estar nas favelas e geraram demandas políticas para a reforma das favelas.

As últimas duas décadas do século XIX testemunharam o aumento de pesquisas públicas sobre as causas e a extensão da pobreza na Grã-Bretanha. Alguns dos favelados vitorianos mais notáveis ​​foram a princesa Alice de Hesse, a terceira filha da rainha Victoria Lord Salisbury, e seus filhos, William e Hugh, que residiam temporariamente em Oxford House, Bethnal Green William Gladstone e sua filha Helen, que vivia nas favelas do sul de Londres como chefe do Women's University Settlement. (Koven 10) Até a Rainha Victoria visitou o East End para abrir o Palácio do Povo em Mile End Road em 1887.

Mulheres benevolentes das classes média e alta iam para as favelas por diversos motivos. Eles foram voluntários em instituições de caridade paroquiais, trabalharam como enfermeiras e professores e alguns deles conduziram estudos sociológicos. Mulheres como Annie Besant, Lady Constance Battersea, Helen Bosanquet, Clara Collet, Emma Cons, Octavia Hill, Margaret Harkness, Beatrice Potter (Webb) e Ella Pycroft exploraram algumas das colônias mais notórias de Londres, e seus relatos de testemunhas oculares mudaram gradualmente a opinião pública sobre as causas da pobreza e da miséria. Na virada do século XIX, milhares de homens e mulheres estavam envolvidos em trabalho social e filantropia nas favelas de Londres.

Literatura de Exploração de Favelas

Na segunda metade do século XIX, as favelas londrinas atraíram a atenção de jornalistas e pesquisadores sociais, que as descreveram como áreas de extrema pobreza, degradação, crime e violência, e convocaram uma ação pública imediata para melhorar as condições de vida e sanitárias dos as classes trabalhadoras. “As favelas deixaram de ser consideradas uma doença em si mesmas e gradualmente passaram a ser vistas como um sintoma de um mal social muito mais amplo.” (Wohl 223) Vários relatos contemporâneos sobre a vida subumana nas favelas despertaram a preocupação pública. Alguns deles ajudaram a preparar a reforma das favelas e as legislações de limpeza subsequentes.

Dentre um grande número de publicações que tratavam das favelas de Londres, deve-se mencionar Sanitary Ramblings: Being Sketches and Illustrations of Bethnal Green (1848), de Henry Mayhew London Labor and London Poor (1851), John Garwood's The Million- People City (1853), John Hollinghead's Ragged London (1861), J. Ewing Ritchie's The Night Side of London (1861), James Greenwood's The Seven Curses of London (1869) e The Wilds of London (1874), Adolphe Smith's Street Life em Londres (1877), The Bitter Cry of Outcast London de Andrew Mearns (1883), How the Poor Live de George Sims (1883), Henry King's Savage London (1888), East London de Walter Besant (1899), relatório monumental de Charles Booth , Life and Labour of the People in London (17 volumes, 1889–1903), e BS Rowntree's Poverty: A Study of Town Life (1901). Todos esses relatórios são documentos sociais valiosos que fornecem informações básicas sobre as condições deploráveis ​​das favelas no final da Londres vitoriana. Eles estão disponíveis em formato eletrônico na Internet.

Conclusão

Não há dúvida de que as favelas do final do período vitoriano foram consequência da rápida industrialização e urbanização do país, o que levou a uma separação espacial mais dramática entre ricos e pobres, conhecida como divisão de duas nações, com estilos de vida e estilos de vida incomparavelmente diferentes. padrões. A favelização, que passou a ser uma forma de imersão na cultura favelada, contribuiu para o desenvolvimento da consciência pública de que as condições das favelas não eram providenciais e desviantes, mas afligidas pela economia e pelas circunstâncias, podendo ser melhoradas por meio de um adequado sistema econômico, social e cultural política.

Material Relacionado

Referências e leituras adicionais

Ackroyd, Peter. Londres: a biografia. Londres: Vintage: Londres, 2001.

Chadwick, Edwin. Relatório sobre a condição sanitária da população trabalhadora da Grã-Bretanha. 1842. Ed. & Intro. M.W. Flinn. Edimburgo: University Press, 1965.

Chesney, Kellow. The Anti-society: An Account of the Victorian Underworld. Boston: Gambit, 1970.

Cobbett, William. Passeios rurais. Londres: publicado por William Cobbett, 1830.

Dyos, H. J. e D. A. Reeder. & ldquoSlums and Suburbs, & rdquo The Victorian City, ed. H. J. Dyos e M. Wolff, 1: 359-86. Londres: Routledge e Kegan Paul, 1973. ___. & ldquoThe Slums of Victorian London, & rdquo Victorian Studies, 11, 1 (1967) 5-40.

Koven, Seth. Slumming: Sexual and Social Politics in Victorian London. Princeton University Press, 2004.

Gordon, Michael R. Alias ​​Jack, o Estripador: Além dos Suspeitos Habituais de Whitechapel. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2001.

Garwood, John. A cidade de um milhão de habitantes ou, metade do povo de Londres, tornada conhecida pela outra metade. . Londres: Wertheim e Macintosh, 1853.

Haggard, Robert F. A Persistência do Liberalismo Vitoriano: A Política da Reforma Social na Grã-Bretanha, 1870-1900. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 2001.

Harkness, Margaret. Em Darkest London. Cambridge: Black Apollo Press, 2003.

Kellow Chesney, The Victorian Underworld. Harmonsworth: Penguin, 1970.

Lees, L. H. Exiles of Erin: Irish Migrants in Victorian London. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1979.

Londres, Jack. O Povo do Abismo em: Londres: Romances e Escritos Sociais. Nova York: The Library of America, 1982, também disponível no Project Gutenberg.

Mayhew, Henry. London Labour and the London Poor. 4 vols. 1861-2. Intro. John D. Rosenberg. Nova York: Dover Publications, 1968.

Morrison, Arthur. & ldquoWhitechapel, & rdquo The Palace Journal, 24 de abril de 1889 também disponível em: http://www.library.qmul.ac.uk/sites.

Olsen, Donald J. The Growth of Victorian London. Nova York: Holmes & Meier 1976.

Porter, Roy. Londres: Uma História Social. Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1998.

Ross, Ellen, ed. Slum Travellers: Ladies and London Poverty, 1860-1920. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2007.

Ross, Ellen. & ldquoSlum Journeys: Ladies and London Poverty 1860-1940, & rdquo in: Alan Mayne e Tim Murray, eds. The Archaeology of Urban Landscapes: Explorations in Slumland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

Escócia, Nigel. Escudeiros nas favelas: assentamentos e missões no final da Grã-Bretanha vitoriana. Londres. I.B. Tauris & Co., 2007.

Stedman Jones, G. Outcast London: Um Estudo na Relação Entre Classes na Sociedade Vitoriana. Oxford: Peregrine Penguin Edition, 1984. & ldquoSlumming In This Town. Uma moda londrina mania chega a Nova York. Slumming Parties To Be The Rage This Winter, & rdquo The New York Times, 14 de setembro de 1884.

Wohl, Anthony S. A favela eterna: Moradia e política social em Londres vitoriana. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2009.

___. Vidas em perigo: Saúde Pública na Grã-Bretanha vitoriana. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard UP, 1983.

Yellling, J. A. Slums and Slum Clearance in Victorian London. Londres: Allen & Unwin, 1986.


London In Pictures & # 8211 A London County Council 1937 Guide

O London County Council (LCC), juntamente com os bairros metropolitanos, transformou Londres.

O LCC foi responsável pela coordenação e prestação de uma ampla gama de serviços em Londres, por exemplo, o crescimento de habitação, educação, prestação de serviços médicos, parques e jardins, infraestrutura e serviços ao consumidor. O LCC, junto com autoridades como o Metropolitan Water Board, o London Passenger Transport Board, o London Fire Brigade e os Metropolitan Borough Councils transformaram Londres de uma cidade do século 19 na cidade que reconhecemos hoje.

O Conselho do Condado de Londres produziu um número considerável de publicações sobre quase todos os aspectos do funcionamento e da organização de uma grande cidade que você possa imaginar. Dentro dessas publicações, há um tema comum & # 8211 um orgulho considerável pela cidade e pelos serviços que o LCC prestava aos londrinos.

Muito disso pode parecer estranho do ponto de vista do século 21 & # 8211 muito intrusivo, muito organizador, muito & # 8220a autoridade sabe melhor & # 8221. No entanto, com austeridade, reduções drásticas nos serviços municipais, fechamentos de bibliotecas, desafios de financiamento para o NHS, Polícia e Educação, o passado pode parecer enganosamente atraente, mas vá mais fundo e as comparações nunca são simples.

Eu coletei uma ampla gama de publicações do LCC ao longo dos anos, elas fornecem uma visão considerável do desenvolvimento da cidade desde a formação do LCC em 1889 até a transferência para o Greater London Council em 1965.

Para a postagem desta semana & # 8217s, gostaria de apresentar uma publicação que fornece uma visão geral de todos os serviços prestados pelo LCC e outras autoridades de Londres. Um instantâneo em um ano específico & # 8211 1937.

Esta é Londres em imagens & # 8211 Municipal London Illustrated.

London in Pictures é um livro-guia, mas um livro-guia com uma diferença, pois o prefácio do livro descreve:

& # 8220Muitos guias de Londres são publicados todos os anos e muitos livros ilustrando as belezas externas das ruas de Londres e cenas de rua e edifícios de interesse arquitetônico e histórico. Nenhuma dessas publicações, no entanto, dedica atenção adequada, mesmo que qualquer notificação seja dada, aos interesses municipais de Londres & # 8221

O guia foi dirigido a visitantes e àqueles que estão de férias em Londres, e a seguir explica que se o visitante puder entender o governo da cidade e como Londres está realizando atividades municipais, ele pode levar esse conhecimento de volta para ajudar a resolver problemas em sua própria cidade ou cidade. Possivelmente um número muito limitado de leitores, mas, novamente, isso demonstra o orgulho do LCC & # 8217s pela forma como Londres foi administrada e pelos serviços prestados aos habitantes da cidade.

O livro é dividido em seções que enfocam um aspecto específico dos serviços de LCCs, então vamos começar com & # 8211 Block Dwellings construídas pelo Council.

Em 1937, a LCC possuía cerca de 25.000 apartamentos em Londres. Estes eram tipicamente em propriedades com blocos de apartamentos com um design comum, no entanto, muitos designs eram únicos e ainda têm uma boa aparência hoje.

Um deles foi o Oaklands Estate em Clapham. Esta propriedade ocupava cerca de 3 hectares e fornecia 185 habitações com um total de 582 quartos. A propriedade foi construída entre 1935 e 1936 e a foto a seguir é da Eastman House em Oaklands Estate.

O Clapham Park Estate tem o design mais tradicional do London County Council. Esta é uma vista das Casas de Lycett e Cotton na propriedade que foi construída entre 1930 e 1936, com a propriedade total compreendendo 759 habitações.

O LCC também desenvolveu Council Cottage Estates. Essas propriedades consistiam em casas e apartamentos menores, proporcionando uma aparência de prédios baixos e densidade habitacional reduzida. Esta é a Old Oak Estate & # 8211 a propriedade que está localizada entre Westway (a estrada A40) e Wormwood Scrubs.

Em 1937, o Old Oak Estate consistia em 1.055 casas e apartamentos.

Ocupando cerca de 202 acres de terra nos distritos de Chislehurst e Sidcup estava o Mottingham Estate. Em 1937, a propriedade era composta por 2.356 casas e apartamentos com crescimento adicional planejado pela reserva de espaço para um cinema, lojas, escolas e uma igreja e 25,5 hectares de espaço aberto.

Os londrinos também precisavam de educação e o London County Council projetou novos edifícios escolares com grandes janelas para iluminação natural, salas de reunião, ginásio, bibliotecas e salas projetadas para disciplinas específicas, como ciências e arte. O livro destaca que as escolas LCC foram fornecidas com instalações de água quente (com a implicação de que as escolas anteriores não tinham esse recurso).

Esta é a King & # 8217s Park School em Eltham. A escola do último ano no bloco de dois andares com a escola infantil de um andar à direita.

Além da educação, a saúde era importante e, em 1937, o SUS ainda era um sonho distante. Em 1930, o LCC assumiu a responsabilidade pelos hospitais controlados pelos Conselhos de Guardiães e pelo Conselho Metropolitano de Asilos. Isso permitiu ao município iniciar um programa de modernização e padronização dos serviços de saúde em toda a cidade e em 1937 havia 43 hospitais gerais e 31 hospitais especiais controlados pelo LCC.

Este é o Centro Cirúrgico e Unidade de Raios-X concluída em 1936 no Hospital St. Mary Abbots, Kensington.

Tal como acontece com as novas escolas, os hospitais projetados pela LCC também apresentavam grandes janelas para maximizar a iluminação natural e uma crença na importância do ar fresco para ajudar na recuperação. Este é o Sun Balcony em St. Olave & # 8217s Hospital:

Um dos departamentos do Conselho do Condado de Londres era o orwelliano de 1984 chamado & # 8220Public Control Department & # 8221.

Este departamento contava com um amplo leque de serviços que hoje estariam incluídos no âmbito de departamentos como a Trading Standards.

O Departamento de Controle Público era responsável por serviços como pesos e medidas, teste de medidores de gás, controle e armazenamento de gasolina, licenciamento de agências de emprego e estabelecimentos de massagem, administração da Lei de Lojas, doenças de animais, venda de fertilizantes e rações para animais e o registro de funcionários teatrais.

As três fotos a seguir do livro mostram o tipo de atividades desenvolvidas pelo Departamento de Controle Público. O primeiro é testar uma plataforma de pesagem:

Medir o peso de um saco de carvão para garantir que o conteúdo atendeu ao especificado e cobrado por peso:

Verificando os pesos e medidas em uma loja:

O London County Council tornou-se a autoridade educacional local de Londres em 1904 e era responsável por:

  • Para coordenar as atividades de seus antecessores, o School Board for London e o Technical Education Board,
  • Colocar as escolas de ensino fundamental ministradas por órgãos de voluntariado em pé de igualdade com as do próprio Conselho,
  • Estabelecer um sistema de escolas secundárias vinculadas às escolas primárias por meio de regime de bolsas,
  • Para reorganizar as antigas & # 8216 escolas noturnas & # 8217 em um sistema abrangente de educação continuada,
  • Para expandir a educação técnica, comercial e artística,
  • Construir um sistema de inspeção e tratamento médico escolar e de escolas especiais para crianças com deficiências físicas e mentais.

Em 1937, o LCC era responsável por cerca de 800.000 alunos. 512.000 menores de 14 anos, com 125.000 entre 14 e 18 e mais 163.000 na educação de adultos.

Uma peça anual de presépio de meninos e meninas juniores:

Leite do meio da manhã em uma escola primária:

Trabalho prático & # 8211 Assuntos Domésticos:

Escolas residenciais no acampamento:

O escopo da educação coberto pelo London County Council incluiu faculdades de treinamento que se concentraram em assuntos específicos e conjuntos de habilidades. Essas faculdades incluíam faculdades de formação de professores e, na foto abaixo, a avicultura:

Uma faculdade de formação de professores:

O London County Council também foi responsável pelos principais serviços de drenagem de Londres, o que em 1937 significava atender às necessidades de 5,5 milhões de pessoas.

As principais obras de tratamento foram em Beckton, que lidou com 280 milhões de galões de esgoto por dia, com efluente sendo lançado no rio, e 2 milhões de toneladas por ano de matéria sólida sendo despejadas no mar por uma frota de quatro, maravilhosamente chamada & # 8220 embarcações de lodo & # 8221.

Esta vista faz parte das 7,5 milhas de canais de aeração em Beckton:

Um exemplo de túneis que transportavam esgoto para tratamento & # 8211 esgotos de 10 pés e 11,5 pés de diâmetro:

Incluídos na ampla gama de serviços de infraestrutura pelos quais o LCC era responsável estavam balsas, túneis e píeres, incluindo o Túnel Rotherhithe:

E a balsa de Woolwich, que em 1937 transportava 4.000 veículos e 7.000 pedestres diariamente entre as 6h da manhã e a meia-noite.

Originalmente, os serviços de brigada de incêndio foram construídos em Londres por empresas privadas, como companhias de seguros, no entanto, na década de 1860, os custos de prestação do serviço aumentaram e as companhias de seguros solicitaram que o governo assumisse o serviço.

Isso foi alcançado pelo Metropolitan Fire Brigade Act de 1865, que consolidou os serviços individuais em um único serviço de bombeiros de Londres.

Em 1889, o Conselho do Condado de Londres assumiu a Brigada Metropolitana de Incêndio e, em 1904, o nome foi mudado para Brigada de Incêndio de Londres.

In 1937 the new headquarters building and fire station for the London Fire Brigade on the Albert Embankment had only just been completed. The fire services moved from this building a few years ago, and it is currently being redeveloped, however it will retain a link with the fire service as the London Fire Brigade museum is planned to return to a new and upgraded facility within the building.

In 1937, the London Fire Brigade were equipped with a range of leading edge appliances, including a Hose Lorry:

The London Docks were a high fire risk, due to the dense storage of large amounts of inflammable materials, with probably a lack of attention to fire prevention measures. The following photo from the book shows a typical fire that the London Fire Brigade had to deal with, a large fire in July 1935 at Iceland Wharf, Old Ford.

The Municipal Hospitals of London were the responsibility of the London County Council, with 74 hospitals taken over from the Boards of Guardians and Metropolitan Asylums Board.

In 1937, these hospitals contained at total of 38,500 beds. This was before the establishment of the NHS, so treatment was not free for all. The book explains that “Admission may usually be secured on the certificate of a private doctor, without any suggestion of poor law ‘taint’, and except in certain circumstances, patients are required to contribute according to their means.”

The Children’s Ward at a LCC hospital:

A London County Council hospital operating theatre:

The London County Council also ran medical inspections and treatment of school children. Children would be ‘inspected’ at the ages of 7, 11 and between the ages of 13 and 14. This included dental inspections with the possibility of follow-up treatment at 74 medical and dental treatment centres across London.

Probably a nightmare for most children – school dental treatment:

The London County Council set-up the London Ambulance Service in 1915, initially to focus on street accidents. There was a separate ambulance service run by the Metropolitan Asylums Board, which was used for the transfer of patients with infectious diseases, and another service run by the Boards of Guardians. All these services came under the central control of the LLC in 1930 under the Local Government Act of 1929.

The interior of a 1930s ambulance:

Control of ambulances was from County Hall and an ambulance could be summoned by calling WATerloo 3311.

in 1937 there were 153 ambulances covering London. These were based at 6 large ambulance stations and 16 smaller stations. By comparison in the financial year 2017/18 the London Ambulance Service consisted of over 1,100 vehicles based at 70 ambulance stations and support offices across London. In the same year the service dealt with 1.9 million 999 calls – a truly extraordinary number.

If you needed an ambulance in 1937, this is the vehicle that would arrive:

Parks and Open Space were also the responsibility of the London County Council, with a total of 6,647 acres of space managed by a staff of 1,500.

The LCC provided and managed parks such as Battersea Park, as well building and managing facilities within parks, such as the open-air swimming pool at Victoria Park:

One of the responsibilities of the LCC, in the terms used in the 1937 book was the “Care of the Mentally Afflicted”. The LCC had started to change how mental health was treated with a move from the custodial approach to proper nursing care, however it was a very institutionalised approach with 20 hospitals and institutions providing treatment for 33,600 patients from a staff of 9,000.

This is Forest House, the admission and convalescent villa in Claybury Hospital:

In the same hospital, the Needleroom where “many patients can still do useful work”.

The guide-book also included the other governance authorities within London, including the City of London Corporation. This included the City markets, with this superb aerial view of the London Central Markets at Smithfield:

And a very quiet Spitalfields Market:

The other key element of London governance were the Metropolitan Borough Councils. These were formed by the 1899 London Government Act and were responsible for a number of local services such as the collection of refuse and the maintenance of streets.

In 1937, 16 out of a total of 28 borough councils were still electricity supply authorities, having their own local generation and distribution capabilities. These services would not consolidate further until after the war with the creation of the Central Electricity Generation Board and the regional distribution boards, such as the London Electricity Board.

The establishment of the Metropolitan Borough Councils resulted in the building of impressive Town Halls across London. The book includes a night view of St. Marylebone Town Hall:

Municipal Borough Councils also provided local facilities, for example, local parks and playgrounds, libraries and swimming pools.

One impressive example in 1937 was the Poplar Swimming Bath and the books show how the same building could support very different uses:

In 1937. the London docks were still major centres of trade. Containerisation and the shift of ports from inland rivers to coastal centres such as Southampton and Felixtowe was still decades in the future.

The Port of London Authority was responsible for the management of the ports and river. In 1937 the Port of London dealt with more shipping than any other UK port and over a third of UK overseas trade passed through London. In 1937, approximately 43 million tons of goods were managed through the London docks.

A ship entering the King George V Dock:

The Wine Gauging Grounds operated by the Port of London Authority:

London County Council publications are always fascinating and London in Pictures provides a really good overview of the governance of London and the breadth and depth of the services provided by the LCC.

Two years after the guide was published, the Second World War would bring devastation to the city, but would also mark one of those break points in history with, for example, the coming NHS taking over the provision and considerable expansion of health services.

The London Docks would soon start their gradual decline which would end in the closure of all central London docks. The population of London would also reverse the centuries long expansion and would go into a decline that would only start to recover in the 1980s.

Council house provision would reduce to almost nothing and “right to buy” would transfer council owned accommodation into private ownership.

The 1937 guide therefore provides a snapshot of LCC services at the end of an era.


London’s East End

The image many people have of the East End of London in Victorian times is one of being street after street of slum dwellings inhabited by Jack the Rippers, prostitutes, beggars and thieves, all in an environment of filth, smoke and destitution.

Whilst there were many pockets of slums where people tried to desperately survive and feed their family there were many areas where, although far from pleasant, honest people managed to make a living and bring up families. The East End developed into a close-knit community (or, more accurately, communities) where hardships were shared and people fought together against poverty, landlords, bosses and sometimes themselves.

The Booth poverty map of 1900 for the East End clearly shows that the slums were in pockets, with many having relatively well-to-do housing only a street away. The black and dark blue areas are the bad slums.

Even though the Booth map above may indicate the East End was not as deprived as many films and television programs make out, it was still a very dirty, smelly and crowded place with old and sub-standard housing where most people struggled day-to-day to earn a decent living. In such a crowded and competitive environment it is not surprising to find the beginnings of racism creeping in. Immigrants were perceived to be taking housing and jobs, and the Jews were the main target. By 1900 the Jewish immigrants had replaced the Huguenot weavers of the previous two centuries and become the target of some ill-placed press articles. But the Jewish immigrants had not created the slums, although they had displaced gentiles from areas around Whitechapel, as can be seen in the map below when compared with Booth’s map above.

The Jewish community were very much self-organising, with new immigrants from east Europe being looked after by the close-knit Jewish community. Their main trades of tailoring, shoe making, furniture and baking were tightly managed by a few established Jewish families.

All the workers of the East End, whether long-established in the area or a recent immigrants from the surrounding countryside or abroad, needed housing but that housing needed improving and the slums needed removing. From the 1860s the only people building new housing specifically for the working classes were a few philanthropic organisations. Some organisations did not last the course, whilst others were very successful. All the successful ones had a requirement to make a small annual profit on rents to enable further schemes to be built and existing buildings managed. The typical profit was 5% and this became known as 𔄝% philanthropy”. The main organisations were: The East End Dwelling Company Improved Industrial Dwelling Company Peabody and (from 1889) the London County Council. The inclusion of the latter may surprise many readers but the early years of the LCC is marked by programmes of improvement and beneficiary for everyone in London. No history of Victorian social housing is complete without mentioning Octavia Hill.

The philanthropist builders
Octavia Hill
Octavia was a philanthropist, but not a builder. She developed the standard method of managing working-class housing through a combination of astuteness and force of character. She was from a middle-class family and obtained funds from wealthy benefactors and then used the money to purchase existing housing that was usually in bad condition. She installed female managers who interacted with the “lady of the house” to build up a relationship with tenants such that they improved their behaviour and were rewarded with repairs and improvements to the building. Good tenants would be further rewarded with better housing and bad tenants would be evicted. She also arranged to have some new housing built (usually cottages). Octavia Hill’s influence of East End housing is fairly minimal but her legacy of tenant-management is one that needs to be re-learnt by modern authorities. For more information on this redoubtable lady go to: http://www.octaviahill.org/

The East End Dwelling Company (EEDC)
As the name suggests, this organisation operated mainly in the East End of London. They built housing from 1885 until 1906. Below is the Booth map overlaid by the location of the EEDC buildings. The tenants were typically the experienced or mature family men. Many of the buildings still stand – a testament to their quality and the on-going management of them.

Peabody Trust
Peabody is probably the most well-known of all the philanthropic housing developers. The trust built estates of blocks all over London. The map below is the location of those in the East End. The housing was aimed at the slightly better off family man who had regular income.

Improved Industrial Dwelling Company (IIDC)
This rather poorly-named organisation was founded by London printer and one-time Mayor, Sidney Waterlow. His blocks were similar to Peabody’s but generally slightly up-market from them. As a result they were a little dearer to rent than Peabody and attracted the artisan class.

Below is a map showing the location of Peabody and IIDC buildings in the East End.

The London County Council
The county of London was formed in 1889 and the Council dates from then. They took over much of the responsibilities (and staff) of the Metropolitan Board of Works (MBW). The leaders were elected and the Progressives (Liberal-aligned) ran the Council until 1907 when the Municipal Reform Party (aligned to the Conservative Party) took over. The LCC built a large amount of housing before WW1, much of it still standing.

The pre-WW1 estates in the map above are described in detail under the “London County Council” section of this website. The largest LCC estate in London was Boundary Street in Bethnal Green.

Overcrowding and racism
One of the most famous areas of the East End is around Flower & Dean Street in Whitechapel. It is highlighted in yellow in the LCC map above.

It’s fame comes from being central to the Jack the Ripper murder stories and myths, and for being the main immigrant Jewish area. It could be considered a ghetto, but that is a negative term and would be doing a considerable injustice to the residents. The Jack the Ripper story is of no concern to this article and is very well covered in many books. What is of interest to this article is the effect the Jewish immigration had on the area, and the claims of overcrowding by press and local politicians.

The Flower & Dean Street area consisted of the following buildings:
– 4% Industrial Dwellings Company: Charlotte de Rothschild Buildings, 1887 – 1974
– 4% Industrial Dwellings Company: Nathaniel Buildings, 1892 – 1974
– East End Dwellings Co.: Lolesworth Buildings, 1885-1979
– East End Dwellings Co.: Strafford Buildings, 1889-1979
– Abraham Davis: Helena, Ruth, Irene, Godfrey, Josephine & Winifred Houses, 1897 – ??
– Dolley & Abraham: Keate, Spencer & Henderson Houses, 1908 -??

The 4% Dwelling Company was Jewish owed, and Abraham Davis and Dolley & Abraham were Jewish. The East End Dwellings Company had little Jewish management or control, and nor did the LCC. This would, on the face of it, have the potential to cause problems. But this was not the case. All the housing was managed along similar lines and there was overcrowding in all the buildings and no obvious racial or social tensions between them.

The map below summarises the demographics of the buildings in the Flower & Dean Street area. The post-WW1 LCC Holland Estate has been added for interest. Things to note are the actual capacity (from the census returns) and the theoretical maximum capacity. The latter was calculated at the time by multiplying the number of rooms (bedrooms and living rooms) by 2, giving the adult capacity. The term “adult” was not fixed at the time so I have taken the liberty of basing the term “adult” as any child 8 and above, and therefore taking significant space in a bed.

The trend clearly shows that the Jewish-owned buildings were very predominantly occupied by Jewish people. The surprise is with the non-Jewish owned Strafford and Lolesworth Buildings. Lolesworth has a mix of Jews to gentiles as would be expected, but Strafford is tenanted mainly by Jewish people. The reason lies in what is on the ground floor of the building – shops. The Jewish people occupied all the shops and “lived upstairs”. Note that the 4% Industrial Dwellings Company employed ex-military NCOs as building managers. Rothschilds and Nathaniel were managed by ex-Marine NCOs who were definitely not Jewish. All the buildings, apart from Strafford House, are officially overcrowded and this would have come to the attention of the Borough of Stepney, the LCC and the press.

The racial tension created by the Jewish immigration and blatant overcrowding is best illustrated by press articles and LCC investigations into the tenants of its Boundary Street Estate in Bethnal Green, just a little way to the north of Flower & Dean Street. For more details, go to the paper on that estate elsewhere on this website: <LCC’s Boundary Street Estate>.

This part of London continues to be a centre for immigrants. There is still a strong Jewish presence in the area but subsequent influxes have includes Bengali’s and Somalis. Brick Lane is a very multi-cultural street, and is none the worse for it.

Robin Hood Gardens – still failing to meet the needs of the honest workers?
In the fast eastern edge of London’s East End is Poplar. This area has always been associated with docks and ship building and has been home to many low-paid workers for the last 2 centuries. One small area near the docks known as Wells Street, but now known as Robin Hood Gardens, has always had a reputation for slum housing. The area is now adjacent to the northern portal of the Blackwall Tunnel and also has busy roads on two other sides. The feeling of being isolated is very strong to any visitors today.

The reputation of the area in Victorian times can be seen from this report in the 1880s:
“……. Generally the houses were very old and dilapidated, without back yards, and no back ventilation. The ground floor of many of the houses was sunken below the level of the pavement, and the rooms were exceedingly small. No water was laid on to the existing closets, which were inadequate in number and situate at some distance from the houses to which they belonged. …..” An estimated 1,029 persons were displaced and new dwellings were required to house a minimum of 1,030 people. The freeholder of the land was Sir Edward Colebrooke whose manor was at Ottershaw in Surrey. The clearance of the slums was carried out by the Metropolitan Board of Works in 1884 under the “Wells Street Scheme” and cost London rate-payers £59,119. The site was sold to James Hartnoll for just £5000, but had to be used for the construction of new working-class housing..

James Hartnoll built Grosvenor Buildings in 1886. He was an experienced semi-philanthropic builder of working class blocks in London, but this building was his only unsuccessful one. It consisted of 542 dwellings and a total of 1102 rooms (= theoretical maximum of 2204 persons). 160 at 1-roomed 204 at 2-roomed 172 at 3-roomed and 4 at 4-roomed. Tenements were hard to let initially despite the area being very crowded. In 1911 it was occupied by approximately 1400 adults and 400 children under 8. It had a reputation for being overcrowded, but census returns show it to be no worse than others in London. It seems to have never been managed well as there were rent strikes in 1915, 1939 and early 1960s. In 1911 the building was managed by just one live-in 28 year old clerk to handle 542 families. This clerk/manager had no military background (as was typical in similar buildings). The majority of tenants were of the labouring classes, working in the docks, on ships and in local industry. That, allied to many single-roomed tenements, gave a poor mix that the young clerk was probably unable to handle. The building was purchased by the Greater London Council (LCC’s successor) in 1965 and, despite being structurally sound, demolished and replaced by Robin Hood Gardens. The map below shows the area in 1892 and the picture shows that some of the blocks of Grosvenor Buildings were 6 storeys.

Grosvenor House was replaced by Robin Hood Gardens (1967 – 2017?) and designed by Peter and Alison Smithson as a “city in the sky”. It is one of the more famous London buildings from the Brutalist Movement and was designed 5 years after the similar Park Hill in Sheffield, but without learning from the mistakes, and even adding more. The design also ignored the successful “scissor section” layout advocated and successfully applied at the time to blocks of flats by LCC architect David Gregory Jones. The two blocks consisted of 214 dwellings with all but the ground floor being maisonettes on 2 floors with the rooms split inconveniently between them. The site was surrounded on three sides by busy roads. The walkways only went to the stairs and lifts at each end, not to other levels or the ground, and were too narrow to be “streets” and also too open to the elements. Balconies overlooking the inner grassed space were too narrow to sit on and acted as emergency walk-through fire escapes, so needed to be kept clear. Concrete construction made maintenance and modifications difficult. The slab-sided blocks made the green space in the middle a tranquil place but it was deliberately landscaped (using spoil from the foundations) to prevent it being used as a play park.

The building was never liked by the tenants and this is illustrated by the lifts being vandalised a mere year after the building was opened. Some architects (who have never lived there) wanted the building to be listed by English Heritage, but common sense prevailed and it is due for demolition and replacement by a larger private-social housing development for the wider area of Poplar. Will the residents of Poplar finally get the social housing they want?


Greater London

Nossos editores irão revisar o que você enviou e determinar se o artigo deve ser revisado.

Greater London, metropolitan county of southeastern England that is also generally known as London. A brief treatment of the administrative entity follows. An in-depth discussion of the physical setting, history, character, and inhabitants of the city is in the article London. Descriptions of London from early editions of Encyclopædia Britannica and from the Book of the Year writings contemporaneous with World War II can be found in BTW: London Classics.

The present metropolitan county of Greater London constitutes nearly all of the historic county of Middlesex (which comprises the bulk of Greater London north of the River Thames), parts of the historic counties of Kent, Essex, and Hertfordshire, and a large part of the historic county of Surrey.

Until 1889 the only part of London that had an administrative existence apart from the historic counties was the historic City of London, which was confined to the area of the medieval city. During the period 1889–1965, the County of London, carved from parts of the historic counties of Middlesex, Surrey, and Kent, administered an area that comprised present-day Inner London plus the outer boroughs of Newham and Haringey. The 1889 boundaries had been adopted in response to the rapid development of suburban areas in the 19th century. By the mid-20th century, however, the suburban population of London had spread far beyond the boundaries of the County of London. In an attempt to address that shift, the present boroughs were established in 1965 by amalgamating several existing boroughs and districts, at the expense of the surrounding counties, to form the new metropolitan county of Greater London.

The present-day City of London covers an area of 1.1 square miles (2.9 square km) at the heart of Greater London and is a centre of world finance. Greater London forms the core of a larger metropolitan area (with a proportionately larger population) that extends as far as 45 miles (70 km) from the centre. Area 607 square miles (1,572 square km). Pop. (1991) 6,679,699 (2001) 7,172,091 (2011) 8,173,941.

An overview of selected statistics and cultural features of Greater London borough by borough is provided in the table.


The Metropolitan Board of Works & London County Council

The Victorians were visionary during this period. In response to the poor sanitary conditions, they designed and created a network of sewers to alleviate the foul conditions within the Capital. At times, raw sewage was even pumped straight into the River Thames. It got so bad that during the summer of 1858, a terrible smell of human waste literally hung over London. This phenomenon was named 'The Big Stink'.

As London grew and more people came to settle in the city, it became necessary for some sort of authority to take charge and oversee all the development of infrastructure that was needed to keep pace with the population's needs. At the time, the system of government was largely chaotic, with parishes and vestries mainly taking charge but they did not communicate with each other or co-operate much, so development was very disjointed.

In 1855 the Metropolitan Board of Works (MBW) was created, this was the first ever metropolitan government body for London. The MBW's first task was to oversee the construction of London's sewer system. It was the engineer Joseph Bazalgette's design that was put in place and it consisted of over 1,304 miles (2100 km) of pipes and tunnels which are still serviceable today.

The effect of the new sewer system was to reduce the incidence and spread of water-borne diseases such as cholera and the death rate in London was dramatically cut as a result of this innovative infrastructure. Bazalgette's design represents the largest civil engineering project of the 19th century.

Over the next few decades, the MBW became highly unpopular because it was run by unelected people whom the public perceived to be making unpopular decisions. As a result, the MBW was dissolved in 1888 and a new, elected body was created. This new type of government for London was called the London County Council (LCC) and it was the first time that London had an organisation that represented the entire metropolitan area. Right at the end of the 19th century, the first designated London boroughs were established, heralding a new era in local government for the city.

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20th century London

The terrific population growth of the late Victorian period continued into the 20th century. In 1904 the first motor bus service in London began, followed by the first underground electric train in 1906, but perhaps more notable was the spate of new luxury hotels, department stores, and theatres which sprang up in the Edwardian years, particularly in the West End. The Ritz opened in 1906, Harrod's new Knightsbridge store in 1905, and Selfridges in 1907.

New entertainment venues sprouted like mushrooms with the London Palladium the largest of some 60 major halls for music-hall and variety shows.

Several major building projects marked Edward VII's reign. The long, broad sweep of the Mall was designed by Aston Webb. Webb was also responsible for Admiralty Arch, the Queen Victoria memorial, and the east front of Buckingham Palace.

Although the hardship of London during the Second World War is well known, it is easy to forget that WWI brought hardship as well to the city. In the autumn of 1915 the first Zeppelin bombs fell in London near the Guildhall, killing 39 people. In all, 650 fatalities resulted from bombings during the "War to End All Wars".

Population surged after the war, to about 7.5 million in 1921. The London County Council began building new housing estates, which pushed further and further out into the countryside. Unemployment was high, and labour unrest erupted in the 1926 General Strike. So many workers joined the strike that the army was called in to keep the Underground and buses running, and to maintain order.

In the 1930s large numbers of Jews emigrated to London, fleeing persecution in Europe, and most of them settled in the East End. The year 1938 saw movement out of the city the threat from Germany was great enough that large numbers of children were moved out of London to the surrounding countryside.

The outbreak of WWII precipitated the defining moment of the century for Londoners - the Blitz. During the dark days of 1940 over a third of the City was destroyed by German bombs, and the London Docks largely demolished.

Some 17 of Christopher Wren's London churches were badly damaged. The area worst hit was the City itself, but strangely, St. Paul's Cathedral suffered only minor damage.

Some 16 acres around the area that now houses the Barbican development and the Museum of London were totally flattened, and numerous historic buildings were destroyed. The death toll was heavy 32,000 dead and over 50,000 badly injured.

In the post-war period heavy immigration from countries of the old British Empire changed the character of the city. Notting Hill acquired a large Caribbean population, Honk Kong immigrants settled in Soho, Sikhs in Southall, and Cypriots in Finsbury.

The Festival of Britain took place in 1951 on the centenary of the Great Exhibition of 1851. Whereas that first exhibition had left the legacy of the extraordinary Crystal Palace, the Festival left behind it the universally reviled concrete mass of the South Bank Arts complex.

Heathrow airport opened to commercial flights in 1946, and the first double-decker red buses (dubbed the Routemaster) appeared on London roads in 1956.

The London Docks declined after the war, and the formerly bustling area around the Isle of Dogs fell into disuse until rescued by modern development in the last decade.

Between 1972-82 the Thames Barrier was built to control flooding along the river. This amazing engineering feat consists of 10 moveable underwater gates supported by 7 shining steel half-domes strung across the river.

The last great building project of the century was the controversial Millennium Dome, an exhibition centre beside the Thames in North Greenwich. The Dome, which opened on January 1, 2000, is a massive complex, built at a cost of over 750 million GBP. It houses, among other things, sponsored exhibits on the human experience of life, including Faith, Science, and biology.

What to See:
Harrod's
London Transport Museum
London Museum
Notting Hill Festival
South Banks Arts Centre
Dockland
Thames Barrier
Millennium Dome

London History
Roman | Anglo-Saxon | Medieval | Tudor | Stuart | Georgian | Victorian London | 20th century London

English History
Also see "English History" and our award-winning "English Culture" section.


London County Council - History

Parts of these maps are used for non-commercial purposes in the website by permission of the London Metropolitan Archives. The LMA are also happy to allow schools to make further copies of the maps, again providing that they are for educational purposes only. Commercial reproduction is prohibited without prior permission from London Metropolitan Archives.

These invaluable maps were made by the London County Council immediately after the Second World War. It became the basis for the Abercrombie Plan for the Rebuilding of London.

Coloured areas show the widespread bomb damage while the different colours indicate its severity. Some houses were repaired others patched up temporarily. Even those houses not bombed, deteriorated because there could be little maintenance during the war and were in need of care an attention.


This map and other smaller sections reproduced elsewhere,
are taken with permission, from

The London County Council Bomb Damage Maps 1939-1945.

Copies of any particular area can be obtained, for private or school use,
from London Metropolitan Archives who own the copyright.

Comparing these coloured Bombing Maps
with my original back and white photo-copies.

Over forty years ago I found these maps in the lower basement at County Hall, where the sharks now swim. The Architects Department kindly made me black and white photocopies and I used them in several books. Architects, alerted by my bomb maps, have used them to explain why houses built on forgotten bomb sites, have begun to subside, so the photocopies have been of practical use. In one case an architect, who contacted me, called in to explain a subsiding house, was fifteen feet down and still bringing up complete window frames. Clearly the site had become a huge bomb crater which had been used as a rubble tip, levelled and forgotten.

However, I now realise that my maps can tell a false story. The originals are coloured and unfortunately the old photocopiers did not copy the reds. They showed red as white. Therefore areas which were-

  • Dark Red Seriously damaged doubtful if repairable
  • Light Red Seriously damaged, but repairable at cost,

came out on the photocopies as Branco. The centres of damage are marked on the maps in Black, Purple and Dark Red, with rings of lighter colours around them. Areas which I have been ignoring for years because they were white, had been, in fact, very badly damaged. Often the coloured maps give a completely different account of any particular bombing incident from my old black and white copies.

The new book called The London County Council Bomb Damage Maps, 1939-1945, ISBN 0 902087 51 7, pub. 2005, is a splendid production and will be consulted as long as London lives. The area on the map around any particular school is only a few centimetres square, but explains the old and new houses on the school doorstep as no other map or writing can do. Walking along the road becomes a never-ending detective story.

Example: The Bombing of Albion Road

The whole area was very heavily bombed from September 1940. Incendiary bombs and high explosives early on, and a land mine fell on Albion Road at the junction with Hawkesley Road. Later, between 23 rd June 1944 and 10 the January 1945, there were no fewer than ten flying bombs and three V2s in the Finsbury Park to Albion Road area alone. Three local flying bombs fell on Defoe Road, Londesborough Road and the triangle by the shopping parade in Albion Road. The damage from these and other smaller events spread blast damage to other houses nearby, so that few houses escaped some effect of the bombs. Many houses were patched up and later repaired properly, but the major incidents led to the building of completely new blocks and even new estates. This bombing map is a key to the reason for many later developments.

The Flying Bomb on Albion Road Triangle


Flying Bomb Damage
at Albion Rd Triangle


Assista o vídeo: West England (Dezembro 2021).