Notícia

Livros sobre a guerra dos bôeres

Livros sobre a guerra dos bôeres

Navegue em nossolivros recomendados

Boer Wars
Obras Gerais
Obras Contemporâneas

Livros - Guerras Boer

Histórias Gerais da Guerra

Amigos e Inimigos: A Campanha de Natal na Guerra da África do Sul 1899-1902, Hugh Rethman. Olha a invasão bôer de Natal, o cerco de Ladysmith e os esforços para levantar o cerco, com ênfase no papel das tropas levantadas em Natal e sobre o destino da população civil da área. Talvez um pouco hostil demais aos bôeres e crítico dos oficiais britânicos, mas excelente em seu assunto central - a contribuição do povo de Natal para sua própria defesa em face da invasão hostil (Leia a revisão completa)

Despachos da Frente: A Guerra dos Bôeres 1899-1902, John Grehan e Martin Mace .Uma seleção de relatórios oficiais escritos durante a Guerra dos Bôeres, dando-nos uma visão da guerra vista pelos comandantes britânicos seniores. A maioria desses relatos é bastante factual, embora poucos dos comandantes estejam dispostos a aceitar a culpa por seus reveses no início da guerra. Concentra-se nas principais batalhas da guerra, por isso é mais forte no primeiro ano ou menos, e menos no período da guerra de guerrilha que veio após a ocupação das repúblicas bôeres. [leia a crítica completa]

Procurando pelos Cowboys da Rainha, Tony Maxwell. Um livro com três vertentes principais: um diário de viagem que segue o autor pela África do Sul enquanto ele filmava um documentário sobre o Cavalo de Strathcona; reflexões sobre sua infância no apartheid na África do Sul e sobre a história do país; e um relato do papel do Cavalo Strathcona, uma unidade de cavalaria canadense, na luta durante a Guerra dos Bôeres [ler a crítica completa]

A Grande Guerra Boer, Byron Farwell. Uma história geral muito boa da Guerra dos Bôeres, com uma boa introdução à história dos Bôeres e uma narrativa clara e bem escrita da guerra [ver mais]


A Guerra dos Bôeres, 1899-1902, Gregory Fremont-Barnes. Se você deseja uma história mais curta da Guerra dos Bôeres, deve considerar este livro. Fremont-Barnes coloca a guerra dos bôeres firmemente no contexto, com boas seções sobre o pano de fundo na África do Sul e um bom capítulo sobre a guerra em si. [ver mais]


Enciclopédia da Guerra dos Bôeres, Martin Marix Evans. Esta é uma enciclopédia A-Z muito útil da Guerra dos Bôeres, cobrindo batalhas, biografias, palavras do Afrikaner, armas e uma miríade de outros tópicos. Cada evento principal tem algumas páginas, com boas referências cruzadas para tópicos relacionados. [ver mais]


A Guerra dos Bôeres, Martin Marix Evans. Esta é uma boa história geral da guerra dos Bôeres, mas o que a faz se destacar é o uso de mapas e fotografias contemporâneos e uma boa seleção de imagens modernas de fortificações, campos de batalha e outros itens de interesse. [ver mais]

Obras Contemporâneas

Um manual da guerra dos bôeres, Anonymous (1910). O autor anônimo deste livro serviu na África do Sul por vinte e seis meses durante a Guerra dos Bôeres e, portanto, foi uma testemunha ocular de muitos dos eventos que descreve. Nosso autor desconhecido fornece um relato preciso da guerra do ponto de vista britânico e estava perfeitamente disposto a criticar os principais comandantes britânicos na África do Sul. [ver mais]


Comando: A Boer Journal of the Boer War, Deneys Reitz (1929). Este é um dos melhores relatos em primeira pessoa da Guerra dos Bôeres. Deneys Reitz era filho de um proeminente político do Estado Livre de Orange. Ele lutou na campanha em Natal, na guerra de guerrilha no Transvaal ocidental e participou do ataque de Smut à Colônia do Cabo. Após a guerra, ele se reconciliou com os britânicos e acabou comandando o 1º Royal Scots Fusiliers na Frente Ocidental. [ver mais]


Documentos relacionados com a guerra dos bôeres:

Este título de propriedade de 1746 de 1898 foi pessoalmente assinado e aprovado pelo presidente Paul Kruger em 19 de março de 1898, pouco antes de ser reeleito presidente do Transvaal.

A propriedade foi concedida a Hendrik Lodewigh Joubert Senior com o título no lote 1826 da Soutter Street em Pretória. A Soutter Street fica hoje no distrito comercial central de Pretória e este bloco original pode ser identificado nos mapas de ruas atuais por seu número.

Curiosamente, a escritura refere-se ao terreno em Pretória sendo examinado em outubro de 1892 - não muito depois de as primeiras moedas Kruger terem sido cunhadas.

O Balson Holdings Family Trust detém este título de propriedade original.

Uma das oito edições de The Ladysmith Bombshell produzida em Ladysmith durante o cerco.

450 x 290 mm, 6 páginas impressas em um lado apenas pelo processo de ciclo, página frontal ilustrada, outras reproduzidas a partir de texto manuscrito. Compilado por George W. Lines, com ilustração em quadrinhos de Earl Robert. As folhas grampeadas com um único grampo, dobradas no centro, causando uma marca deslocada do grampo. Inclui notícias, poesia e fofocas do cerco. As oito edições foram reimpressas após o cerco e publicadas em volume.

Os exemplos dos exemplares originais produzidos em Ladysmith durante o cerco são muito escassos.

Nesta edição há um poema "Marking Time", uma reportagem sobre pêssegos que pesam 17 onças cada e afirma que a bandeira britânica logo estaria voando sobre Pretória. Há também uma canção muito irreverente, irônica, chamada "Havia um velho negro, o nome dele etc.", que tem um ataque a Piet Joubert, o líder bôer, ações lentas e covardia implícita.

O Balson Holdings Family Trust mantém uma cópia deste jornal extremamente raro em excelentes condições.

Compilação de poemas contidos na Ladysmith Bombshell produzida em Ladysmith durante o Cerco.

O livreto está intacto com os grampos originais. 190 x 120mm, 12 páginas de poemas, invólucros de papel estampado verde com vinheta da torre do relógio danificada da Prefeitura. A prefeitura ainda está de pé (veja abaixo) - com a torre do relógio reparada e um ícone vivo do cerco. Algum ligeiro foxing de outra forma em boas condições. As folhas grampeadas com dois grampos na lombada, dobradas no centro, causando uma marca deslocada dos grampos.

Os exemplos das edições originais deste livreto produzidos em Ladysmith durante o cerco são extremamente raros e não podem ser encontrados à venda na Internet. Um dos poemas foi digitalizado e mostrado abaixo com a marca da impressora - Greening and Co.

O Balson Holdings Family Trust mantém uma cópia deste blooklet extremamente raro e histórico em excelentes condições (comprado por quase US $ 500 em janeiro de 2008 da Clarkes Books na Cidade do Cabo). Certificado de autenticidade neste link.


A Prefeitura de Ladysmith hoje

Uma reedição de jornal de 12 páginas extremamente rara da rara "Ladysmith Lyre" publicada pelo Daily Graphic em 1901.

O Balson Holdings Family Trust mantém uma cópia deste fascinante trabalho histórico. Imagens abaixo:

Comentário crítico sobre este trabalho:

Este documento único medindo 17 polegadas por 20 polegadas foi postado no Tribunal de Pretória em 14 de setembro de 1900. Era para tirar o vento das velas dos boers que continuaram a usar táticas de guerrilha para lutar contra seus indesejáveis ​​novos governantes.

A tática não funcionou, apesar dos comentários de Lord Robert de que Kruger havia "desertado" da causa Boer e fugido da África do Sul e estava esperando em Lourenco Marques por um barco que o levasse de volta à Europa.

Este é o único pôster desse tipo com autenticidade confirmada pela principal livraria de antiquários da Austrália, a Berkelouw Books. Aparentemente, o pôster foi removido logo após ser postado por um soldado australiano que reconheceu seu significado histórico e o manteve com a família até 2005.

O Balson Holdings Family Trust adquiriu o documento exclusivo assim que ele se tornou disponível.

Despachos da África do Sul - Lord Kitchener (março de 1901)

Este documento fascinante e extraordinariamente raro é o relatório original ao Parlamento britânico, ainda preso pelo pedaço de barbante original. O documento é um relatório de dezesseis páginas apresentado a ambas as Casas do Parlamento pelo Comando de Sua Majestade - em 8 de março de 1901

O documento à direita descreve o estado da guerra com os bôeres - com Kitchener relatando alegremente sobre a derrota das forças bôeres em todas as áreas, exceto na parte norte do Transvaal - em torno de Pietersburg e a leste em torno de Pilgrims Rest - onde o lago de veld foi atingido de forma desafiadora em 1902.

Veja também as notas de banco impressas em Pietersburg (1901) e as notas de Te Veld em Pilgrims Rest (1902).

A principal ação entre o General French (britânico) e o Comandante General Botha (boers) é resumida no despacho pela captura assim:
296 Boers mortos e feridos
177 prisioneiros de guerra
555 prisioneiros rendidos
784 rifles
Munição de rifle de 199.300 tiros
6.289 cavalos
26.927 gado
175.514 ovelhas e
1.747 vagões e carroças

Dias depois, o comandante Botha rejeitou os termos de rendição de Kitchener e os boers se mudaram para o norte, para Pietersburg.

O Balson Holdings Family Trust tem uma cópia em perfeitas condições.

Este documento fascinante e extraordinariamente raro é o relatório original ao parlamento britânico ainda preso pelo pedaço de barbante original. O documento é um relatório de dez páginas apresentado a ambas as Casas do Parlamento pelo Comando de Sua Majestade - março de 1901

A transcrição de onze telegramas importantes entre Lord Kitchener e o Alto Comissário, Sir Alfred Milner.

  1. Um pedido de representante não militar do Governo no Transvaal
  2. Que os boers possam reter armas de fogo
  3. O idioma holandês deve ser mantido
  4. A questão "Kaffir" - Leis de Orange Free State relacionadas a "kaffirs" a serem introduzidas.
  5. Propriedade da Igreja Holandesa deve permanecer intacta
  6. Fundos públicos e órfãos devem ser deixados intocados. Governo britânico para assumir dívidas legais (como as notas de banco ZAR). Botha se refere a notas de banco emitidas no valor de menos de um milhão de libras.
  7. Que nenhum imposto de guerra seja imposto aos agricultores
  8. O retorno dos prisioneiros de guerra para não se atrasar
  9. Assistência pecuniária para ajudar os agricultores a recomeçar
  10. Anistia a todos no final da guerra.

Quando o acima foi acordado, Botha respondeu em 16 de março de 1901 que "Não me sinto disposto a recomendar que os termos da referida carta tenham a consideração séria de meu governo. Posso acrescentar também que meu governo e meus diretores aqui concordo inteiramente com meus pontos de vista ".


Uma breve história da Segunda Guerra dos Bôeres Livros em PDF

Artigo de seminário do ano de 2007 na disciplina Estudos da Língua e Literatura Inglesa - Cultura e Geografia Aplicada, nota: 1,0, University of Heidelberg (Anglistisches Seminar), curso: Estudos Culturais: História das Instituições Britânicas Parte II, idioma: Inglês, resumo: "Pegue uma comunidade de holandeses do tipo daqueles que se defenderam por cinquenta anos contra todo o poder da Espanha numa época em que a Espanha era a maior potência do mundo. Misture com eles uma linha daqueles inflexíveis huguenotes franceses que deram para casa e fortuna e deixou seu país para sempre no momento da revogação do Édito de Nantes. O produto deve ser obviamente uma das raças mais rudes, viris e invencíveis já vistas na terra. Pegue este povo formidável e treine-o para sete gerações em constante guerra contra homens selvagens e ferozes bestas, em circunstâncias em que nenhum fracote poderia sobreviver, coloque-os para que adquiram habilidades excepcionais com armas e no cavalo manship, dê-lhes um país que seja eminentemente adequado às táticas do caçador, do atirador e do cavaleiro. Então, finalmente, coloque um temperamento melhor em suas qualidades militares por uma religião fatalista do Velho Testamento e um patriotismo ardente e consumidor. Combine todas essas qualidades e todos esses impulsos em um único indivíduo, e você tem o Boer moderno - o antagonista mais formidável que já cruzou o caminho da Grã-Bretanha Imperial. Nossa história militar consistiu em grande parte em nossos conflitos com a França, mas Napoleão e todos os seus veteranos nunca nos trataram tão rudemente como esses fazendeiros obstinados com sua teologia antiga e seus rifles inconvenientemente modernos ”. 1 Sir Arthur Conan Dolyle, autor das histórias de detetive de Sherlock Holmes, escreveu dois volumes sobre a Guerra dos Bôeres. Ele ficou fascinado com a luta desse povo, os bôeres, contra o que era então a nação mais poderosa do mundo. E ele não foi deixado sozinho com seu grande interesse nesta guerra.


Conteúdo

No século 19, uma série de eventos ocorreu na parte sul do continente africano, com os britânicos de vez em quando tentando estabelecer um único estado unificado lá, enquanto outras vezes querendo controlar menos território. Três fatores principais impulsionaram a expansão britânica na África Austral: [ citação necessária ]

  • o desejo de controlar as rotas comerciais para a Índia que contornavam o Cabo da Boa Esperança
  • a descoberta em 1868 de enormes depósitos minerais de diamantes ao redor de Kimberley nas fronteiras conjuntas da República da África do Sul (chamada de Transvaal pelos britânicos), o Estado Livre de Orange e a Colônia do Cabo e, posteriormente, em 1886 na corrida do ouro do Transvaal
  • a corrida contra outras potências coloniais europeias, como parte de uma expansão colonial europeia geral na África

Outros colonizadores potenciais incluem:

  • o Império Português, que já controlava a Angola portuguesa (atual Angola) no oeste da África Central e a África Oriental portuguesa (atual Moçambique) na África Oriental, bem como a Guiné Portuguesa e Cabo Verde na África Ocidental
  • o Império Alemão, que passou a controlar a área na África do Sul que em 1884 se tornaria a África do Sudoeste Alemã (atual Namíbia), e também deteria a África Oriental Alemã (hoje o continente da Tanzânia), Kamerun (atual Camarões ) e Togo, ambos na África Ocidental
  • mais ao norte, o rei Leopoldo II da Bélgica, que controlava uma área na África Central que em 1885 se tornaria o Estado Livre do Congo (atual República Democrática do Congo)
  • a Terceira República Francesa, que estava em processo de conquista do Reino de Merina (atual Madagascar) e que perseguia as áreas que em 1895 e 1910 se tornariam a África Ocidental Francesa e a África Equatorial Francesa, respectivamente
  • uma série de repúblicas bôeres se expandindo em territórios ao norte da esfera de influência britânica no Cabo

A anexação britânica do Transvaal em 1877 representou uma de suas maiores incursões na África do Sul, mas outras expansões também ocorreram. Em 1868, o Império Britânico anexou Basutoland (Lesoto moderno nas montanhas Drakensberg, cercado pela Colônia do Cabo, o Estado Livre de Orange e Natal), seguindo um apelo de Moshoeshoe, o líder de um grupo misto de refugiados de Difaqane, em sua maioria falantes de soto que buscou proteção britânica contra os bôeres e os zulus. Na década de 1880, o país tswana tornou-se objeto de disputa entre os alemães a oeste, os bôeres a leste e os britânicos na colônia do cabo ao sul. Embora o país tswana na época não tivesse quase nenhum valor econômico, a "Estrada dos Missionários" passava por ele em direção a um território mais ao norte. Depois que os alemães anexaram Damaraland e Namaqualand (atual Namíbia) em 1884, os britânicos anexaram Bechuanaland em duas partes em 1885: o Protetorado de Bechuanaland (moderno Botswana) e a Bechuanaland britânica (mais tarde parte da Colônia do Cabo).

Após a Batalha de Blaauwberg (1806), a Grã-Bretanha adquiriu oficialmente o Cabo da Boa Esperança na África do Sul dos holandeses em 1815 após as Guerras Napoleônicas. Certos grupos de agricultores colonos que falam holandês (Boers) se ressentiam do domínio britânico, embora o controle britânico trouxesse alguns benefícios econômicos. Ondas sucessivas de migrações de fazendeiros bôeres (conhecidas como Trekboers que literalmente significa "fazendeiros viajantes"), investigados primeiro a leste ao longo da costa longe do Cabo em direção a Natal, e depois ao norte em direção ao interior, estabelecendo as repúblicas que vieram a ser conhecidas como o Estado Livre de Orange e o Transvaal (literalmente "através / além do rio Vaal ").

Os britânicos não tentaram impedir os Trekboers de se afastarem do Cabo. Os Trekboers funcionaram como pioneiros, abrindo o interior para aqueles que os seguiram, e os britânicos gradualmente ampliaram seu controle para fora do Cabo ao longo da costa em direção ao leste, eventualmente anexando Natal em 1843.

Os Trekboers eram fazendeiros, gradualmente estendendo seu alcance e território sem uma agenda geral. A abolição formal da escravidão no Império Britânico em 1834 [2] levou a grupos mais organizados de colonos bôeres tentando escapar do domínio britânico, alguns viajando para o norte até o atual Moçambique. Isso ficou conhecido como a Grande Jornada, e aqueles que participaram dela são chamados de Voortrekkers.

De fato, os britânicos posteriormente reconheceram duas novas repúblicas bôeres em um par de tratados: a Convenção de Sand River de 1852 reconheceu a independência da República do Transvaal, e a Convenção de Bloemfontein de 1854 reconheceu a independência do Estado Livre de Orange. No entanto, a expansão colonial britânica, a partir da década de 1830, caracterizou-se por escaramuças e guerras tanto contra os bôeres quanto contra as tribos nativas africanas durante a maior parte do restante do século.

A descoberta de diamantes em 1867 perto do rio Vaal, cerca de 550 milhas (890 km) a nordeste da Cidade do Cabo, acabou com o isolamento dos bôeres no interior e mudou a história sul-africana. A descoberta desencadeou uma corrida aos diamantes que atraiu pessoas de todo o mundo, transformando Kimberley em uma cidade de 50.000 habitantes em cinco anos e chamando a atenção dos interesses imperiais britânicos. Na década de 1870, os britânicos anexaram West Griqualand, local das descobertas de diamantes de Kimberley.

Em 1875, o conde de Carnarvon, o secretário colonial britânico, em uma tentativa de estender a influência britânica, aproximou-se do Estado Livre de Orange e da República do Transvaal e tentou organizar uma federação dos territórios britânicos e bôeres modelada na federação de 1867 dos franceses e Províncias inglesas do Canadá. No entanto, o contexto cultural e histórico era totalmente diferente, e os líderes bôeres o rejeitaram. As sucessivas anexações britânicas e, em particular, a anexação de West Griqualand, causaram um clima de inquietação latente nas repúblicas bôeres. Em 1877, os britânicos anexaram o Transvaal, que estava falido e sob ameaça do Zulu. [3]

Com a derrota dos zulus e dos pedi, os bôeres do Transvaal puderam dar voz ao crescente ressentimento contra a anexação britânica do Transvaal em 1877 e reclamaram que havia sido uma violação da Convenção de Sand River de 1852 e do Bloemfontein Convenção de 1854. [4]

O major-general Sir George Pomeroy Colley, depois de retornar brevemente à Índia, finalmente assumiu como governador de Natal, Transvaal, alto comissário do sudeste da África e comandante militar em julho de 1880. Múltiplos compromissos impediram Colley de visitar o Transvaal, onde ele conhecia muitos dos Boers sênior. Em vez disso, ele confiou nos relatórios do Administrador, Sir Owen Lanyon, que não tinha nenhuma compreensão do humor ou capacidade dos bôeres. Tardiamente Lanyon pediu reforços de tropa em dezembro de 1880, mas foi surpreendido pelos acontecimentos.

Os bôeres se revoltaram em 16 de dezembro de 1880 e agiram em Bronkhorstspruit contra uma coluna britânica do 94th Foot que estava voltando para reforçar Pretória.

O gatilho para a guerra veio quando um bôer chamado Piet Bezuidenhout (veja Gerhardminnebron) se recusou a pagar um imposto inflacionado ilegalmente. Funcionários do governo apreenderam sua carroça e tentaram leiloá-la para pagar o imposto em 11 de novembro de 1880, mas cem bôeres armados interromperam o leilão, atacaram o xerife presidente e recuperaram a carroça. Os primeiros tiros da guerra foram disparados quando este grupo lutou contra as tropas do governo que foram enviadas depois deles. [5]

Depois que o Transvaal declarou formalmente a independência do Reino Unido, a guerra começou em 16 de dezembro de 1880 [6] com tiros disparados por Transvaal Boers em Potchefstroom. Durante essa escaramuça, o "comando" bôer era liderado pelo general Piet Cronjé. [6] Isso levou à ação em Bronkhorstspruit em 20 de dezembro de 1880, onde os bôeres emboscaram e destruíram um comboio do exército britânico. De 22 de dezembro de 1880 a 6 de janeiro de 1881, guarnições do exército britânico em todo o Transvaal foram sitiadas.

Embora geralmente seja chamado de guerra, os combates reais foram de natureza relativamente menor, considerando os poucos homens envolvidos em ambos os lados e a curta duração do combate, que durou cerca de dez semanas.

Os bôeres ferozmente independentes não tinham exército regular quando o perigo ameaçava, todos os homens em um distrito formariam uma milícia organizada em unidades militares chamadas comandos e elegeriam oficiais. Os comandos sendo milícias civis, cada homem vestia o que desejava, geralmente roupas de lavoura em tons de cinza escuro, neutros ou terrestres, como jaqueta, calças e chapéu desleixado. Cada homem trouxe sua própria arma, geralmente um rifle de caça, e seus próprios cavalos. Os cidadãos bôeres comuns que formavam seus comandos eram fazendeiros que haviam passado quase toda a vida trabalhando na sela e, como dependiam de seus cavalos e rifles para quase toda a carne, eram caçadores habilidosos e especialistas atiradores.

A maioria dos bôeres tinha um rifle de carregamento pela culatra de tiro único, principalmente o .450 Westley Richards, um rifle de carregamento pela culatra de bloqueio em queda, ação única, com precisão de até 600 jardas. [6]

Um livro sobre a guerra (J. Lehmann's A Primeira Guerra Bôer, 1972) fez o seguinte comentário: "Empregando principalmente o Westley Richards de carregamento pela culatra muito fino - tampa de percussão do cartucho de papel calibre 45 substituída no mamilo manualmente - eles tornaram extremamente perigoso para os britânicos se exporem no horizonte". [7] Outros rifles incluíam o Martini-Henry e o Snider-Enfield. Apenas alguns tinham repetidores como o Winchester ou o Vetterli suíço. Como caçadores, eles aprenderam a atirar de cobertura, de bruços e a fazer o primeiro tiro valer, sabendo que, se errassem, no tempo que levava para recarregar, a caça estaria acabada. Nas reuniões da comunidade, eles frequentemente realizavam competições de tiro ao alvo usando alvos como ovos de galinha colocados em postes a mais de 100 metros de distância. Os comandos bôeres foram feitos para a cavalaria leve experiente, capaz de usar cada pedaço de cobertura de onde pudessem lançar fogo preciso e destrutivo contra os britânicos.

Os uniformes da infantaria britânica naquela data eram jaquetas vermelhas, calças azul-escuras com debrum vermelho nas laterais, capacetes de medula branca e equipamentos de argila para cachimbo, um contraste gritante com a paisagem africana. Os Highlanders usavam kilt e uniformes cáqui (acabaram de se envolver na Segunda Guerra Afegã). A arma padrão da infantaria era o rifle Martini-Henry de carregamento por culatra de tiro único com uma baioneta de espada longa. Os artilheiros da Artilharia Real usavam jaquetas azuis. Os atiradores bôeres podiam facilmente atirar nas tropas britânicas à distância. Os bôeres não carregavam baionetas, o que os deixava em desvantagem substancial no combate corpo a corpo, que evitavam sempre que possível. Com base em anos de experiência de combate em escaramuças de fronteira com numerosas tribos indígenas africanas, eles confiaram mais na mobilidade, furtividade, pontaria e iniciativa, enquanto os britânicos enfatizaram os valores militares tradicionais de comando, disciplina, formação e poder de fogo sincronizado. O soldado britânico médio não foi treinado para ser um atirador e teve pouca prática de tiro ao alvo. O treinamento de tiro que os soldados britânicos tinham era principalmente como uma unidade disparando saraivadas sob comando.

Ação em Bronkhorstspruit Edit

Na primeira batalha em Bronkhorstspruit em 20 de dezembro de 1880, o tenente-coronel Philip Anstruther e 120 homens do 94th Foot (Connaught Rangers) foram mortos ou feridos por tiros bôeres minutos após os primeiros tiros. As perdas dos bôeres totalizaram dois mortos e cinco feridos. Este regimento principalmente irlandês estava marchando para o oeste em direção a Pretória, liderado pelo tenente-coronel Anstruther, quando parado por um grupo de comando bôer. Eles foram parados ao se aproximarem de um pequeno riacho chamado Bronkhorstspruit, a 38 milhas de Pretória. [8] Seu líder, o comandante Frans Joubert, (irmão do general Piet Joubert), ordenou que Anstruther e a coluna retrocedessem, afirmando que o território era agora novamente uma república bôer e, portanto, qualquer avanço posterior dos britânicos seria considerado um ato De guerra. Anstruther recusou e ordenou que a munição fosse distribuída. Os bôeres abriram fogo e as tropas britânicas emboscadas foram aniquiladas. No confronto que se seguiu, a coluna perdeu 56 homens mortos e 92 feridos. [8] Com a maioria de suas tropas mortas ou feridas, o moribundo Anstruther ordenou a rendição.

O levante bôer pegou de surpresa os seis pequenos fortes britânicos espalhados pelo Transvaal. Eles alojaram cerca de 2.000 soldados entre eles, incluindo irregulares com apenas cinquenta soldados em Lydenburg [9] [10] no leste que Anstruther acabara de deixar. Estando isolados e com tão poucos homens, tudo o que os fortes podiam fazer era preparar-se para um cerco e esperar para serem substituídos. Em 6 de janeiro de 1881, os bôeres começaram a sitiar Lydenburg. Os outros cinco fortes, com um mínimo de cinquenta milhas entre quaisquer dois, estavam em Wakkerstroom e Standerton no sul, Marabastad no norte e Potchefstroom e Rustenburg no oeste. Os bôeres começaram a sitiar o forte de Marabastad em 29 de dezembro de 1880. [11]

Os três principais combates da guerra ocorreram a cerca de dezesseis milhas um do outro, centrados nas Batalhas de Laing's Nek (28 de janeiro de 1881), no Rio Ingogo (8 de fevereiro de 1881) e na derrota em Majuba Hill (27 de fevereiro de 1881). Essas batalhas foram o resultado das tentativas de Colley de aliviar os fortes sitiados. Embora ele tivesse solicitado reforços, estes não o alcançariam até meados de fevereiro. Colley estava, no entanto, convencido de que as guarnições não sobreviveriam até então. Consequentemente, em Newcastle, perto da fronteira do Transvaal, ele reuniu uma coluna de alívio (a Força de Campo de Natal) de homens disponíveis, embora isso totalizasse apenas 1.200 soldados. A força de Colley foi ainda mais enfraquecida porque poucos foram montados, uma séria desvantagem no terreno e para esse tipo de guerra. A maioria dos bôeres eram montados e bons cavaleiros. No entanto, a força de Colley partiu em 24 de janeiro de 1881 para o norte para Laing's Nek a caminho para aliviar Wakkerstroom e Standerton, os fortes mais próximos.

Edição Nek de Laing

Em uma demonstração de diplomacia antes do início da Batalha, o comandante britânico Sir George Colley enviou uma mensagem em 23 de janeiro de 1881 ao Comandante-Geral dos Bôeres, Piet Joubert, convocando-o a dispersar suas forças ou enfrentar todo o poder do Imperial Grã-Bretanha. Ele escreveu: "Os homens que o seguem são, muitos deles ignorantes, e sabem e entendem um pouco de qualquer coisa fora de seu próprio país. Mas você, que é bem educado e viajou, não pode deixar de estar ciente de como a luta que você tem é desesperadora embarcou, e quão pouco qualquer sucesso acidental obtido pode afetar o resultado final ".

Sem esperar por uma resposta, Colley liderou sua Força de Campo de Natal - consistindo de 1.400 homens, uma brigada naval de 80 homens, artilharia e canhões Gatling - para uma passagem estratégica nas colinas na fronteira Natal-Transvaal chamada Nek de Laing. [8] Na batalha de Laing's Nek em 28 de janeiro de 1881, a Força de Campo de Natal sob o comando do Major-General Sir George Pomeroy Colley tentou com ataques de cavalaria e infantaria romper as posições bôeres na cordilheira Drakensberg para aliviar suas guarnições. Os britânicos foram repelidos com pesadas perdas pelos bôeres sob o comando de Piet Joubert. Dos 480 soldados britânicos que fizeram as acusações, 150 nunca retornaram. Além disso, bôers atiradores de elite mataram ou feriram muitos oficiais superiores.

Schuinshoogte Edit

Na batalha de Schuinshoogte (também conhecida como Batalha das Cenouras) em 8 de fevereiro de 1881, outra força britânica escapou por pouco da destruição. O General Colley havia buscado refúgio com a Força de Campo de Natal em Mount Prospect, três milhas ao sul, para aguardar reforços. No entanto, Colley logo voltou à ação. Em 7 de fevereiro, uma escolta de correio a caminho de Newcastle foi atacada pelos bôeres e forçada a voltar para Mount Prospect. No dia seguinte, Colley, determinado a manter seus suprimentos e rota de comunicação abertos, escoltou o vagão do correio pessoalmente e desta vez com uma escolta maior. Os bôeres atacaram o comboio na travessia do rio Ingogo, mas com uma força maior de cerca de 400 homens. O poder de fogo não foi correspondido e a luta continuou por várias horas, mas os atiradores bôeres dominaram a ação até a escuridão, quando uma tempestade permitiu que Colley e o restante de suas tropas recuassem de volta para Mount Prospect. Nesse confronto, os britânicos perderam 139 oficiais e tropas, metade da força original que partiu para escoltar o comboio de correio.

Colley foi forçado a deixar para trás muitos dos feridos para morrer de exposição. No espaço de dez dias, ele perdeu um quarto de sua força de campo, morto ou ferido. "Uma ou duas vitórias de Pirro como essa e não teremos mais exército", escreveu na época o tenente Percival Marling. [8]

Em 12 de fevereiro, Colley recebeu reforços consistindo do 92º (Gordon Highlanders) Regimento de Pé, e o 15º (Hussardos do Rei), com o 6º (Inniskilling) Dragões, o 83º (País de Dublin) Regimento sob o comando de Sir Evelyn Madeira, a caminho.

Em 14 de fevereiro, as hostilidades foram suspensas, aguardando o resultado das negociações de paz iniciadas por uma oferta de Paul Kruger. Durante este tempo, os reforços prometidos por Colley chegaram, com mais a seguir. Nesse ínterim, o governo britânico ofereceu uma investigação da Comissão Real e uma possível retirada das tropas, e sua atitude em relação aos bôeres foi conciliatória. Colley criticou essa postura e, enquanto esperava pelo acordo final de Kruger, decidiu atacar novamente com o objetivo de permitir que o governo britânico negociasse a partir de uma posição de força. Isso resultou no desastre da Batalha de Majuba Hill em 27 de fevereiro de 1881, a maior derrota para os britânicos.

Majuba Hill Editar

Em 26 de fevereiro de 1881, Colley liderou uma marcha noturna de cerca de 400 homens do 92º Highlanders, do 58º Regimento e da Brigada de Natal. Eles chegaram ao topo do morro Majuba, que dava para a posição principal dos bôeres. [6] As tropas não levaram artilharia com eles. À primeira luz, um grupo de Highlanders anunciou sua presença ficando no horizonte, sacudindo os punhos e gritando com os bôeres abaixo. Os bôeres viram os britânicos ocupando o cume e invadiram a montanha usando terreno morto. Atirando com precisão e usando toda a cobertura natural disponível, os bôeres avançaram em direção à posição britânica. Vários grupos bôeres invadiram a colina e expulsaram os britânicos. À medida que o pânico se apoderava, soldados britânicos apavorados correram para a retaguarda e fugiram encosta abaixo.

Os britânicos sofreram pesadas perdas, com 92 mortos, 131 feridos e 50 homens feitos prisioneiros. O Major-General Colley estava entre os mortos e levou um tiro fatal na cabeça ao tentar reunir seus homens. Dos bôeres, um foi morto e seis ficaram feridos, um deles fatalmente. [6] Em 30 minutos, os britânicos foram varridos do cume. Essa derrota teve tanto impacto que, durante a Segunda Guerra dos Bôeres, um dos slogans britânicos foi "Lembre-se de Majuba".

Para os ingleses, a vergonha de Majuba foi ainda mais intensa do que a de Isandlwana. Unidades de elite, como os 92º Highlanders, enfrentaram irregulars bôeres. Quase cem homens morreram, 132 foram feridos e 56 se renderam a uma força de guerrilha irregular.

Hostilities continued until 6 March 1881, when a truce was declared, ironically on the same terms that Colley had disparaged. The Transvaal forts had endured, contrary to Colley's forecast, with the sieges being generally uneventful, the Boers content to wait for hunger and sickness to take their toll. The forts had suffered only light casualties as an outcome of sporadic engagements, except at Potchefstroom, where twenty-four were killed, and seventeen at Pretoria, in each case resulting from occasional raids on Boer positions.

Outcome and impact Edit

Although the Boers exploited their advantages to the full, their unconventional tactics, marksmanship and mobility do not fully explain the heavy British losses. Like the Boers, British soldiers were equipped with breech-loading rifles (the Martini-Henry), but they (unlike the Boers) were professionals, and the British Army had previously fought campaigns in difficult terrain and against an elusive enemy, such as the tribesmen of the Northern Territories in modern-day Afghanistan. Historians lay much of the blame at the feet of the British command, in particular Major-General Sir George Pomeroy Colley, although poor intelligence and bad communications also contributed to their losses. At Laing's Nek it seems that Colley not only underestimated the Boer capabilities, but had been misinformed of, and was surprised by, the strength of the Boer forces. The confrontation at Ingogo Nek was perhaps rash, given that reserves were being sent, and Colley had by then experienced the Boer strength and capabilities. Indeed, strategists have speculated as to whether the convoy should have proceeded at all when it was known to be vulnerable to attack, and whether it was necessary for Colley himself to take command of the British guard.

Colley's decision to initiate the attack at Majuba Hill when truce discussions were already underway appears to have been foolhardy, particularly as there was limited strategic value. The Boer positions were also out of rifle range from the summit. Once the Battle of Majuba Hill had begun, Colley's command and understanding of the dire situation seemed to deteriorate as the day went on, as he sent conflicting signals to the British forces at Mount Prospect by heliograph, first requesting reinforcements and then stating that the Boers were retreating. The poor leadership, intelligence and communications resulted in the deaths of many British soldiers and Colley himself.

The First Boer War was the first conflict since the American War of Independence in which the British had been decisively defeated and forced to sign a peace treaty under unfavourable terms. The Battle of Laing's Nek would be the last occasion where a British regiment carried its official regimental colours into battle. [12]

The British government, under Prime Minister William Gladstone, was conciliatory since it realised that any further action would require substantial troop reinforcements, and it was likely that the war would be costly, messy and protracted. Unwilling to get bogged down in a distant war, the British government ordered a truce.

Sir Evelyn Wood (Colley's replacement) signed an armistice to end the war on 6 March, and subsequently a peace treaty was signed with Kruger at O'Neil's Cottage on 23 March 1881, bringing the war to an official end. In the final peace treaty, the Pretoria Convention, negotiated by a three-man Royal Commission, the British agreed to complete Boer self-government in the Transvaal under British suzerainty. The Boers accepted the Queen's nominal rule and British control over external relations, African affairs, and native districts.

The Pretoria Convention was signed on 3 August 1881 and ratified on 25 October by the Transvaal Volksraad (parliament). The agreement did not reinstate fully the independence of the Transvaal but kept the state under British suzerainty. British troops withdrew and in 1884, the Pretoria Convention was superseded in 1884 by the London Convention, which provided for full independence [6] and self-government although still with British control of foreign relations.

When in 1886 a second major mineral find was made at an outcrop on a large ridge some 30 miles (48 km) south of the Boer capital at Pretoria, it reignited British imperial interests. The ridge, known locally as the "Witwatersrand" (literally "white water ridge" – a watershed), contained the world's largest deposit of gold-bearing ore. This discovery made the Transvaal, which had been a struggling Boer republic, potentially a political and economic threat to British supremacy in South Africa at a time when Britain was engaged in the scramble for African colonies with France and Germany.

Tensions among the governments Edit

In 1896, Cecil Rhodes, Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, attempted to overthrow the government of Paul Kruger who was then president of the South African Republic or the Transvaal, The so-called Jameson Raid failed. [6]

By 1899, tensions erupted into the Second Boer War, caused partly by the rejection of an ultimatum by the British. The Transvaal ultimatum had demanded that all disputes between the Orange Free State and the Transvaal (allied since 1897) be settled by arbitration and that British troops should leave. [6] The lure of gold made it worth committing the vast resources of the British Empire and incurring the huge costs required to win that war. However, the sharp lessons the British had learned during the First Boer War – which included Boer marksmanship, tactical flexibility and good use of ground – had largely been forgotten when the second war broke out 18 years later. Heavy casualties, as well as many setbacks, were incurred before the British were ultimately victorious.


To fully reconcile The Boer War is to fully understand the ‘Black’ Concentration Camps by Peter Dickens (The Observation Post),

refugeesTo many Afrikaans speaking white people in South Africa the narrative of what in South Africa is called ‘The 2nd Anglo Boer War’ (or just shortened to ‘The Boer War’) is one of a struggle of the Boer nations for independence, the backdrop set against one of British greed for gold in The South African Republic (Transvaal) and colonial expansion by the subjugation of independent nations. The Boer’s boldly fighting against the odds against a British Imperialist invasion and then having to endure the indignity of a systematic eradication of the Boer nation and culture by means of a punitive genocide initiated by what some now regard as a Nazi styled system of British ‘concentration camps’ which murdered their women and children in their tens of thousands. An indignity and outrage which now calls for an apology and war repatriation from the British.

To many of the British, the story is somewhat different. The British call the war ‘The South African War’ and it is one of a struggle of British migrant miners fighting against oppression and for citizen rights in The South African Republic (Transvaal). Followed by brave pockets of British garrison troops in border towns in the Cape Colony and Natal fighting off an invasion by the Boers of their colonies, the siege of their towns initiated by the Boer’s declaration of war on the British, and by besieging their towns subjecting British women and children to starvation and indiscriminate shelling by surrounding Boer guns – calling for a national outrage in the UK and a ‘call to arms’ of the biggest expeditionary force seen to date to ‘get their cities back’ and save the civilians. Then after winning the conventional war the British felt forced to depopulate large swathes of land bordering their supply routes to Pretoria. This was done to prevent constant attack on their supplies and the supply of Boer commandos (now with governments ‘in the field’ instead of their capital cities), by their own kin on their farmsteads. Their reaction, wherever there was an attack, just put all the surrounding farmstead folk into ‘refugee camps’ (their term for the camps) and burn the farmsteads supplying the Boer forces to the ground. All because some renegade Boer commandos didn’t ‘play by the rules’ of a conventional surrender and embarked on an unconventional phase of the war instead (guerrilla war) which threw the generally accepted rules of engagement out the window.

Nasty, very nasty history this war was, and these two different views on the subject are to a degree both ‘politically’ motivated, both conveniently serving to underpin ‘Nationalist’ ideologies and in so supporting political agendas – whether it is a Boer or British one.

A third dimension

So, somewhere between the two vastly different narratives lies the truth, but there’s a third part of the war neither of the above two narratives even begins to properly consider, and it’s a part of the Boer/South African War which fundamentally shifts all previous narratives on the war, moving it away from a war between two white tribes to a more holistic one involving all South Africans. Ground breaking research is now been done on the ‘Black’ involvement in the war and the impact to the Black community. New understanding is coming about and it is shaking the traditional British and Boer narratives and historical accounts to the core.

At the very centre of understanding this previously overlooked aspect of the war is the unveiling of the history of the ‘Black’ concentration camps of the Boer War. Their impact to the Black community, almost no different to the impact to the Boer community. The only difference is the politically driven race politics post the Boer War, and especially during the Apartheid period, which simply brushed it aside as something less relevant with a brutal degree of apathy, leaving us all now with a ‘perception’ of the war rather than a truth.

In an odd sense, it is only by understanding this aspect of the war that full account and truths are established, that anything by way of ‘apologies’ or ‘reparations’ in our modern context can even be possible.

The Black History of the Boer War

So, if you are unfamiliar with the ‘Black’ part of the Boer War here it is. South Africa’s ‘Black’ tribal population also took part in the war, on a scale most people are unaware of.

In the case of the Boer forces, very often Black farm workers took on the role of ‘agterryers’ (rear rider) in fighting Commandos, their job was a combination of military ‘supply’ and one of a military ‘aide-de-camp’ (assistant) to one or more of the Boer fighters. These ‘agterryers’ ferried ammunition, weapons, supplies and food to the Boer combatants, they arranged feed for horses and in some cases, they were even armed.

It was not only Black men in support, but Black women too, they supported the Boer women in providing food and feed to frontline commandos and when the concentration camp systems started they (with their children) were also swept up and in many cases also accompanied and lived in the tents with the Boer families interned in the ‘white’ concentration camps themselves, primarily looking after the children (black and white), sourcing food and water as well as cooking and washing. They too were exposed to the same ravages of war in the camps as the white folk, mainly the water-borne diseases which so decimated the women and children in these camps.

The British were no different, they quickly employed the local Black population as ‘scouts’ and numerous examples exist of these ‘scouts’ conducting surveillance of Boer positions and intelligence on Boer movements as well as guiding the British through the unforgiving South African terrain.

The British also sought manpower from the local Black population in cargo loading and supply haulage. These people were as much a part of moving British military columns as any military person involved in logistics and supply and to a degree they were also exposed to hazards of war.

The British would also ‘commandeer’ entire Black tribal villages for the use of setting up forward bases, strong points and defences – putting entire village populations at risk and literally bringing them into their ‘war effort’.

There is even a recorded event when Black South Africans took a more direct role in the war. On 16 May 1902, Chief Sikobobo waBaqulusi, and a Zulu impi marched on Vryheid and attacked a Boer commando at dawn with losses on both sides.

Context behind the Concentration Camp policy

However, the biggest and most deadly impact to the Black African nations in the Boer War, came in their own earmarked British concentration camps. So how did that come about? To understand why the concentration camps initially came about and their purpose we need to put both the white and black concentration camps into context.

To the British, the war should have ended when they marched into Pretoria in September 1900, having now relieved the Boer sieges of their towns of Ladysmith in their Natal Colony, Mafeking and Kimberley in their Cape Colony, and having already taken The Orange Free State’s capital. The war was over, ‘officially’ they had annexed both republics and they even called for a post war ‘khaki election’ back in the UK to reshuffle Westminster to post war governance.

Not for the Boer forces it wasn’t. The British in marching into Pretoria found themselves stretched deep into ‘hostile’ territory with extended and vulnerable supply lines stretching over hundreds of kilometres. Boer strategy was to move their government ‘into the field’, abandon the edicts of Conventional Warfare and embark on ‘Guerrilla Warfare’ tactics instead, to disrupt supply and isolate the British into pockets. To do this they would need food, ammunition and feed supplied directly from their own farmsteads surrounding their chosen targets. Isolated British garrisons came under attack with some initial Boer successes, their forces then melting away into the country. Easy targets were also trains and train lines, and after many a locomotive steamed into Pretoria riddled with bullet holes or didn’t make it all, Lord Kitchener got fed up at the arrogance of it all and acted decisively.

Kitchener concentrated on restricting the freedom of movement of the Boer commandos and depriving them of local support. The railway lines and supply routes were critical, so he established 8000 fortified blockhouses along them and subdivided the land surrounding each of them into a protective radius. Short of troops to man all these strong points (he needed 50 000 troops) and control the protective areas, Kitchener also turned to the local Black African population and used over 16 000 of them as armed guards and to patrol the adjacent areas.

Wherever and whenever an attack took place, or where sufficient threat existed to this system, Kitchener took to the policy of depopulating the radius area, burning down the farmsteads, killing the livestock and moving all the people – both Black and White (it mattered not to the British what colour they were) into what was termed a ‘refugee camp’ by the British, these camps however were in reality a concentration camp of civilian deportees forcibly removed from their homes.

Two systems of concentration camps existed, one for Blacks and one for Whites. Both were run very differently. Victorian sentiment at the time was very racially guided.

The Boer Concentration Camps

The ‘White’ camps were tented and the ‘refugees’ (more accurately forced removed and displaced civilians) were given rations of food and water. The British could also not afford the resources to ‘guard’ and administrate these camps, and herein lies the problem. It was due to the lack of ability to manage the camps that some camps were managed well and others simply were not, some fell under British military command others were ‘outsourced’ to local contractors manage, and both British and quite often Afrikaner entrepreneurs were brought in to administrate the camps. In most instances these camps were very isolated, and by isolation it simply meant the people in them had nowhere else to go (there were no Nazi styled ‘wire’ fences with prisoners shot trying to escape), the camps were in fact relatively porous with regard the movement of people in them.

Some camps were well run, orderly with demarcated tent lines and health policies implemented based on running a normal military camp (tents and bedding were regularly aired out) and ablutions correctly located with drainage. Other camps were not well run at all, the administrators allowing the Boer families to ‘clump’ their tents together with no proper ablution planning or health policy. Policies on food rationing also differed from camp to camp. In some camps, sadistic camp administrators took to punitive measures to ‘punish’ the Boer families whose menfolk were still fighting in the field to get them to surrender, literally starving these people to the point that just enough food was given to keep the alive.

It follows that in these camps, especially the poorly administrated ones, that social disease would take root, and it came in all sorts forms ranging from poor nutrition to exposure, but it mainly came in the form of waterborne diseases from poor sanitation. Here again, some camps were medically geared to deal with it, others not. The net result of all of this is a tragedy on an epic level.

The official figure of the death toll to white Boer women and children in the camps is 26 370, a staggering figure when you consider that only an estimated 6000 Boer combatants in the field died in the war. Another tragedy (lesser so than life) was the loss of family heirlooms and family records to the relocation and scorched earth policies, this served to erase the inherent culture and history of the Boer peoples. The combination of both the systematic erosion of Boer culture and the astronomical rise in death rates of the ‘fountain’ of Boer race – their women and children, has left a deep scar of hatred and loss which still openly exists to this day, and for good reason.

The Black Concentration Camps

The ‘Black’ concentration camps were a different matter entirely. On the 21st December 1900, Lord Kitchener made no bones about his new concentration camp policy at the inaugural meeting of the Burgher Peace Committee held in Pretoria, where he remarked that in addition to the Boer families, both ‘stock’ and ‘Blacks’ would also be brought in.

As said, Victorian sentiment was very racially guided, and where the ‘white’ concentration camps were at least given some semblance of tents for shelter, food, aid workers, water rationing and some medical aid albeit entirely inadequate, the ‘Black’ concentration camps had very little of that.

Black concentration camps, were also earmarked to isolated areas bordering railway lines so they could be supplied – with both deportees and supplies. The isolation also became the means of containment. However no ‘tented’ constructs were provided in most instances and these Black civilians were simply left on arid land to build whatever shelters they could scourge for. They were also not given food rations on a system resembling anything near the system provided ‘white’ camps, in the white camps the food rations were basically free of charge, in the black camps they had to pay for it.

In all an estimated 130 000 black civilians (mainly farm labourers on Boer farms) were displaced and put into this type of concentration camp, 66 camps in total (with more still been identified, some sources say as many as 80 camps), all based primarily on the British fear that these Black people would assist the Boers during the war.

During early 1901, the black concentration camps were initially set up to accommodate white refugees. However, by June 1901, the British government established a Native Refugee Department in the Transvaal under the command of Major G.F. de Lotbinier, a Canadian officer serving with the Royal Engineers. He took over the black deportees in the Orange Free State in August that year and a separate department for blacks was created.

Entire townships and even mission stations were transferred into concentration camps. The Black camps differed from the Boers in that they contained large a number of males. This meant the camps were located by railway lines where the men could provide a ready supply of local labour. Work was however paid, and it was via this economy that the Black deportees could properly sustain themselves in the camps. In this respect to better understand what these camps were, the concept of a ‘forced labour camp’ would be a better definition.

Of the Black concentration camps, 24 were in the old Orange Free State Republic, 4 in the Cape Colony and 36 in the old South African (Transvaal) Republic. There was a single concentration camp in Natal at Witzieshoek, and more camps are identified to this very day . Some of the camps were for permanent habitation and others were of a temporary nature intended for transit. Their stories speak volumes for the way they were treated.

On the 22 of January 1902, At the Boschhoek Black concentration camp the deportees held a protest meeting. Stating that when they have been brought into the camps they have been promised that they will be paid for all their stock taken by the British, for all grain destroyed and that they will be fed and looked after, none of which had not been forthcoming. They were also unhappy because “… they receive no rations while the Boers who are the cause of the war are fed in the refugee camps free of charge … they who are the ‘Children of the Government’ are made to pay’.

23 January 1902 records that two Black deportees of the Heuningspruit concentration camp for Blacks, Daniel Marome and G.J. Oliphant, complained to Goold-Adams: “We have to work hard all day long but the only food we can get is mealies and mealie meal, and this is not supplied to us free, but we have to purchase same with our own money. “We humbly request Your Honour to do something for us otherwise we will all perish of hunger for we have no money to keep on buying food.”

The ‘official’ rations were meagre at best and had to be purchased, for ‘Natives’ over 12 years of age: Daily: 1½ lbs either mealies, K/corn, unsifted meal or mealie meal ¼ oz salt Weekly: 1 lb fresh or tinned meat ½ coffee 2 oz sugar – all but the corn was to cost the Black deportee receiving it 4½d per ration.

By 1902 18 January, Major De Lorbiniere, writes that supplying workers to the army ‘formed the basis on which our system was founded’. The department’s mobilisation of Black labour was very successful – however really this is not surprising at all considering the incentives offered. Those in service of the British and their families could buy mealies at a halfpence per lb, or 7/6 a bag, while those who do not accept employment had to pay double, or 1d per lb and 18/- or more per bag.

The camps, usually situated in an open veld, they were overcrowded, the tents and huts were placed too close together and did not provide adequate protection from the harsh African weather. They were extremely hot in summer and ice cold in winter. Materials for roofing were scarce, also no coal was provided for warmth. In addition to this misery there was a severe shortage of both food and water (mainly fresh vegetables, milk and meat) .

Water supplies were often contaminated by disease and any form of medical attention was rare to non-existent. Abhorrent sub-human conditions meant that water-borne diseases like dysentery, typhoid and diarrhoea spread with ease and the death rate climbed drastically.

The horrific conditions these deportees subjected to were superseded only by even more abhorrent treatment, the same social diseases, exposure and nutrition problems sprung up in these camps as they did in the ‘White’ Boer camps, with the same horrific result.

Most of the deaths in the concentration camps were caused by disease, and it took root with the most vulnerable, mainly children. By this stage in the war, the death rates in the Black concentration were climbing to unacceptable levels. An aid worker, Mr H.R. Fox, the Secretary of the Aborigines Protection Society, was made aware by Emily Hobhouse that the Ladies Commission (the Fawcett Commission – looking into the problems and death rates in the concentration camps) had focussed solely on the ‘White” concentration camps and completely ignored the plight of Blacks in their concentration camps. So, he promptly wrote to Joseph Chamberlain, the Colonial Secretary, requesting an inquiry be instituted by the British government “as should secure for the natives who are detained no less care and humanity than are now prescribed for the Boer refugees”.

On this request Sir Montagu Ommaney, the permanent under-secretary at the Colonial Office, responded that it seems undesirable “to trouble Lord Milner … merely to satisfy this busybody”. With that swift apathy to the plight of the Black deportees came another tragedy on an epic level.

By the beginning of 1902, conditions in black camps were however improved somewhat in order to reduce the death rate. More nutrients were introduced (tinned milk, Bovril and corn flour) and shops were opened that allowed black people to buy some produce and equipment, mainly items like flour, sugar, coffee, tea, syrup, candles, tobacco, clothes and blankets.

The total Black deaths in camps are officially calculated at a minimum of 14 154 (about 1 in 10). However recent work by Dr. Garth Benneyworth estimates it as at least 20 000, this after examining actual graveyards and factoring that burials had also taken place away from the camps themselves. Dr. Benneyworth notes that the British records are incomplete and in many cases non-existent and the fact that many civilians died outside of the camps in labour or transit or were buried in shared graves, this caused the final death toll to be much higher. The high rate of child death in the Victorian period aside, a staggering 81% of the fatalities in the Black concentration camps were children.

In Conclusion

Compare that to the Boer concentration camps, where the deaths are recorded are around the 26 000 mark and it becomes clear that the Black population of South Africa suffered the same as the White population during the Boer war. However, the fact is that historical research into the Black involvement in the war is sorely missing from the general narrative. Post the Boer war and during Apartheid a lot of research around the Boer concentration camps was done, even monuments and museums were erected to them. It served Nationalist political agenda at the time in establishing Afrikaner identity along a separate race line, so almost nothing by way of research was done on the Black concentration camps, no monuments, museums or even a solid historical account exist of them at all. The Black history of the Boer war most certainly did not make it into mainstream ‘National Christian’ government education curriculum at the time. As a result the Boer war is simply just not properly understood to this day.

If you add to this the glossed over South African Black History behind their contributions and sacrifices in WW1 and WW2, you can see that Race Politics in South Africa has simply not taken the Black history and their sacrifice along with the mainstream historical account, especially the history prior to the implementation of Apartheid in 1948. What this alienation of critical parts of our history from the overall historical record has done, has reinforced the narrative that black lives were somehow of a lesser consequence to white lives. So, there is no surprise that most modern South Africans (mainly youth) simply can’t be bothered with properly understanding South African history prior to 1994.

There is still a very long way to go to fully understanding the war – but the future in reconciling the true effect of this war and redressing it as a nation – is to understand that the Boer War was not only a ‘white’ man’s war, nor the concentration camps strictly about Afrikaner women and children, a much bigger story exists and its one which needs to be reconciled with – and that is the suffering of South Africa’s black population and the extraordinary losses they experienced in these concentration camps too.

The redress for white Afrikaners in South Africa as to any form of global awareness and world condemnation of this tragedy to their nation lies in the reconciliation of the history with the previously unwritten and misunderstood black history behind The Boer War. Only if his tragedy is seen as a national issue, with a common cause and reconciliatory national healing process behind it to deal properly with it, only then can amends and long awaited apologies from the British be found.

Written and Researched by Peter Dickens with references and extracts from the Military History Journal Vol 11 No 3/4 – October 1999 Black involvement in the Anglo-Boer War, 1899-1902 by Nosipho Nkuna, also references from Dr Garth Benneyworth and ‘Erasure of black suffering in Anglo-Boer War’ By Ntando PZ Mbatha. Photo copyrights – The Imperial War Museum and Dawie Fourie.


The Boer War

The war declared by the Boers on 11 October 1899 gave the British, as Kipling said, 'no end of a lesson'. It proved to be the longest, the costliest, the bloodiest and the most humiliating campaign that Britain fought between 1815 and 1914.

Thomas Pakenham's narrative is based on first-hand and largely unpublished sources ranging from the private papers of the leading protagonists to the recollections of survivors from both sides. Mammoth in scope and scholarship, as vivid, fast-moving and breathtakingly compelling as the finest fiction. The Boer War is the definitive account of this extraordinary conflict - a war precipitated by greed and marked by almost inconceivable blundering and brutalities. and whose shattering repercussions can be felt to this very day.

'Not only a magnum opus, it is a conclusive work . Enjoyable as well as massively impressive' -
Financial Times

'This is a wonderful book: brilliantly written . the reader turns each page with increasing fascination and admiration' -A.J.P. Taylor

Отзывы - Написать отзыв

LibraryThing Review

Fascinating book about a fascinating subject, probably not terribly well-know these days. Pakenham to some extent is telling a wider story about the British Empire, colonialism in Africa, the specific . Читать весь отзыв

LibraryThing Review

I am happy to own this book. The conflict itself is covered in sufficient detail, and the military and political machinations are covered very well. the work appears to be relatively unbiased, and the . Читать весь отзыв


Product Details

This comprehensive military atlas covers every aspect of the Boer War in some 230 full-colour maps, diagrams and detailed ORBATs. Maps covering the conflict on a strategic, operational and tactical level guide the reader through each stage of the war, from Kruger's invasions of Natal and Griqualand West, through the famous battles of the conventional period, to the vast 'drives' of the Guerrilla War phase which broke the back of the Bittereinders and brought the war to an end.

By showing where every operation and battle fitted into the bigger picture, the reader is able to understand how and why any given action was fought, and how the war was ultimately won by Lord Kitchener's men. Utilising standard NATO symbols to represent the various units involved, all the maps in this unique resource were drawn specially for the Atlas, and combine contemporary military maps with modern 1:50000 survey maps to ensure unprecedented levels of accuracy and detail. A detailed time line helps explain how the war unfolded, and the maps are organised into sections which cover the various fronts.

The Atlas is also lavishly illustrated with contemporary photographs and drawings, as well as modern-day photographs to show how the battlefields look today, and to illustrate some of the many monuments erected to commemorate the men who fought and died. Though some of the battles covered are well known, this work also provides detail on many others which - though major actions - are almost forgotten today. The operations and smaller battles of the long and bitter Guerrilla War are also exhaustively covered.

Other maps depict the details of the vast lines of blockhouses which were constructed across hundreds of miles of South Africa, and the critical role these played in the latter stages of the conflict. Whether you are new to the war, or a well-read enthusiast, The Boer War Atlas is an indispensable guide to understanding how this highly mis-understood war was fought.


Australian colonial forces and family history

Around 15,000 Australian men and women, most of whom were born between 1870 and 1880, served in eight contingents raised in individual Australian colonies through the duration of the Second Boer War in South Africa between October 1899 and May 1902. The records of the Boer War are incomplete and in some cases the records for whole units are missing, however, the resources mentioned below provide select information about available records and access to them.

The Boer War spans the pre-and post-Federation period, therefore, records may be held by state government archives or by the Commonwealth National Archives of Australia (NAA). See the NAA guideThe Boer War: Australians and the War in South Africa, 1899&ndash1902 As a general guide, the pre-1901 colonial period records are held in state government archives, and post-federation records are held by the NAA, although there may be exceptions to this. For information about available records and their locations see the NAA's guides, Finding families and especially The Boer War: Australians and the war in South Africa, 1899-1902. Ít is advisable to consult the website for the government archive in each state for information about their collections. An example is: NSW State archives relating to the Boer War.

The Official Record of the Australian Military Contingents to the War in South Africa is a very important resource and lists persons who served in each contingent for each state. You can find help using this resource through the Heraldry & Genealogy Society of Canberra's (HAGSOC) website.

A list of online Boer War links and references to other resources such as newspapers and The Times map of South Africa 1900 are available through the HAGSOC website. Searches for names of people mentioned on South African Memorials and people mentioned on Australian Memorials can also be performed.

National Archives of Australia (NAA): References to the service records held by the NAA can be found online. Digitised service dossiers can be searched for and viewed on-screen through the NAA's Name Search function of their website. NAA's online Boer War records Fact Sheet provides supporting information about their collections. Nominal rolls for most Victorian and New South Wales Boer War units and from other states are held on microfilm in all National Archives of Australia's Reading Rooms. Attestation forms for about a third of the approximately 15,000 who saw Boer War service, mainly in Commonwealth battalions after Federation, are held by the National Archives of Australia.

The Australian War Memorial have resources of interest. Names can be searched online through the Australian War Memorial's Pre First World War conflicts nominal rolls database which lists the names of many of those who served in Australian units. Information about the various Boer War units can be found in the Australian War Memorial's website.

Names are also searchable through the Australians in the Boer War: OzBoer database.

Over 600 Australians died during the Boer War and graves in South Africa can be found for many of the Australian casualties. The Commonwealth War Graves Commission is responsible for the maintenance of Boer War graves in South Africa. The Australian War Memorial's online Roll of Honour and active Roll includes details of casualties in the Boer War. The Victorian Registry of Births, Deaths and Marriages Australian Army War dead, 1885-1972 provides names of service men and women who died during or as a result of service in Australian military forces for each state.

The Boer War Memorial Descendant Database Project permits descendants of those who served in South Africa to register the details of their ancestor's service with the Boer War Memorial Committee, and have those details along with those of their descendants on this website.

Information about Victorian contingents to the Boer War can be found in the Defending Victoria website.

Australian women served as part of Australian contingents to South Africa, the first time Australian women served overseas. The following books provide information: Guns and brooches: Australian Army Nursing from the Boer War to the Gulf War, The South African War 1899-1902: service records of British and colonial women. The Australian illustrated encyclopedia of the Zulu and Boer Wars contains an Honour Roll of officers and men of Australian units who died in the Boer War.

You can begin to search for a large number of resources relating the Boer War held by the State Library of Victoria by performing a search in the Library's catalogue using the term, South African War 1899 1902. Secondary sources have been published listing Boer War personnel in the various state contingents, for example, the First Tasmanian Contingent Boer War 1899-1902, First Victorian Contingent Boer War 1899-1902, The featherbed soldiers: New South Wales Lancers in the Boer War 1899-1902. Boer War images and photographic portraits of some Boer War personnel can be found in books such as those mentioned above and by searching the Library's catalogue and the Trove database . The catalogue provides options for refining your search results by subject, resource type and/or creation date.

Newspapers contain valuable historical and contextual information. Many international, city and regional newspapers have been digitised. Digitised issues of numerous Australian newspapers including The Argus (Melbourne) and The Age (Melbourne) can be viewed through the National Library of Australia's Trove database.

Army Service Corps, Melbourne, taken in the time of the Boer War, H6905


Wargaming in History - The Second Anglo-Boer War, The

Every item in our inventory has been inspected, very strictly graded, and bagged for its protection.

Shrink Wrapped. Still in the original factory shrink wrap, with condition visible through shrink noted. For example, "SW (NM)" means shrink wrapped in near-mint condition.

Near Mint. Like new with only the slightest wear, many times indistinguishable from a Mint item. Close to perfect, very collectible.
Board & war games in this condition will show very little to no wear and are considered to be punched unless the condition note says unpunched.

Excellent. Lightly used, but almost like new. May show very small spine creases or slight corner wear. Absolutely no tears and no marks, a collectible condition.

Very Good. Used. May have medium-sized creases, corner dings, minor tears or scuff marks, small stains, etc. Complete and very useable.

Very well used, but complete and useable. May have flaws such as tears, pen marks or highlighting, large creases, stains, marks, a loose map, etc.

Extremely well used and has major flaws, which may be too numerous to mention. Item is complete unless noted.


Book explores richly-layered history of boer war

If you like your history richly-layered then this is just the title for you, with the added bonus that it covers a part of the New Zealand story not much explored.

For the Boer War, as it used to be called, came after the New Zealand Wars and not long before the Great War, both of which cast long and deep shadows over the period.

Nor did the South African War last terribly long, although it did involve about 6500 Kiwi troops, of whom perhaps 182 died in South Africa–yet more died from typhoid than bullets, it seems. The exact number of deaths may never be known, adds author Robson, a senior Māori Crown Relations historian.

But he writes that because he has been able to identify and contact families of some of those who served in South Africa, he has gained access to information not previously mentioned in the historical record.

That means in addition to the usual kinds of sources that historians use, such as letters, newspaper reports and archive records, he has been able to integrate material which brings a flavour to the work not always felt in such accounts of the past.

The upshot is he has also been able to shine a light on a wide range of New Zealand life and times as they were shaped by the war and the mentalities that drove Kiwis to so warmly embrace the British imperial cause – while at the same time developing a nascent sense of national identity.

There was a tension between the two sides of the coin that fuelled the engine of New Zealand life for decades, one that to this day still hasn’t been finally resolved, and which is to be found echoed in many of the public policy debates we hear today.

The position of Māori during the war, for instance, is one such familiar-sounding issue, for what was occurring in South Africa was deemed by London to be a “white man’s” conflict, meaning Māori were forbidden to join in.

New Zealand prime minister Richard Seddon tried to get this policy reversed, but to no avail even though many Māori wanted to go to demonstrate their fealty to flag and empire.

This didn’t stop Māori language and culture from being appropriated during the conflict, Robson writes, and soldiers with European names and mixed Māori-Pākehā ancestry fought in the war all the same.

There was also the “khaki fever” that swept through Māori women in Northland, one result of which saw horses and money donated to the cause. Robson writes that experience of the war brought New Zealand and Australia closer together in a pre-Anzac kind of way, with the military relationship of the two countries coalescing in South Africa.

The two nations displayed an adaptability in the fight against the common Boer foe which differentiated them from the tradition-bound British, although the limited training of many Kiwi soldiers, with weapons, for example, did them no favours.


Assista o vídeo: Imperialismo na África e na Ásia: Guerra do Ópio - Guerra dos Bôeres - Revolta dos Boxers - Resumo (Dezembro 2021).